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英語與華語歌曲中語言與音樂之關係:音段、節奏與聲調 - 政大學術集成

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(1)國立政治大學語言學研究所 博士學位論文 National Chengchi University Graduate Institute of Linguistics Doctoral Dissertation. 政 治 大. 學. 音段、節奏與聲調. ‧. ‧ 國. 立 英語與華語歌曲中語言與音樂之關係:. sit. y. Nat. The Connection Between Language and Music in English and. n. al. er. io. Mandarin Songs: Segment, Rhythm, and Tone. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 指導教授:蕭宇超 博士 Advisor: Yuchau E. Hsiao, Ph.D.. 研究生:凌旺楨 撰 Student: Wang-Chen Ling. 中華民國:一〇九年六月 June, 2020. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(2) Acknowledgements. 終於走到這一步了,感覺很不真實,但內心卻踏實。若不是指導教授蕭宇超 教授的傾力指導,畢業對我而言遙不可及。感謝蕭教授一再鼓勵、引領。無論在 什麼情況,心裡總是惦記著我的論文。老師的恩惠難以報答,學生銘記在心。也 感謝口試委員黃慧娟教授、林蕙珊教授、歐淑珍教授、吳貞慧教授以及計劃書口 試委員吳瑾瑋教授費心審閱我的論文,細心地指出需要修正之處,給予了相當寶 貴的意見。 感謝政大教授們的教導與幫助。賴惠玲教授、徐嘉慧教授、黃瓊之教授、萬依 萍教授、張郇慧教授、鍾曉芳教授以及戴智偉所長,您們課堂上的教導仍歷歷在. 政 治 大 博士班生涯內扮演的不可或缺的角色,只要有學姊在,我就能安心地完成每一件 立 事。也感謝我的大學教授,陳純音教授、張妙霞教授以及丁仁教授。謝謝您們領 目,而您們的鼓勵與關懷也成為我完成博士學位的動力。感謝惠鈴助教學姊在我. ‧ 國. 學. 我進入語言學的領域。. 感謝為我加油打氣的好夥伴子權與怡臻,謝謝你們和我一起討論問題,為我. ‧. 解惑。也感謝欣蓉、德偉時常幫忙分擔事務。謝謝 Johnny 和侃彧熱心幫忙我解 決問題。也謝謝明昌學長與凱琳學姊樹立了好榜樣。此外,也要感謝菘霖學長/. y. Nat. sit. 教授與婉婷學姊的鼓勵與分享,幫助我能逐漸畫出博士學位的樣貌。. al. er. io. 感謝公公、婆婆一直以來的付出與照顧,謝謝您們給予我溫暖,對您們的感. n. 謝之詞難以言盡。也謝謝先生的陪伴與鼓勵,讓我能順利完成論文,開啟人生新. Ch. i Un. v. 的階段。也要感謝乖巧到令人心疼的好女兒,妳總是默默地等待,犧牲與媽咪的. engchi. 相處時間,為了換來媽咪的博士學位。謝謝每一位家人多年來不離不棄的關懷與 幫忙。 特別感謝父母親的全力支持,讓我無後顧之憂。您們是我心目中全世界最棒 的父母。感謝您們費盡心力的養育之恩。您們不求回報的愛 讓我在快要放棄時, 能爬起繼續往前行。這本論文收藏著你們為我的蹙眉著急以及為我終於能畢業的 欣慰笑容。謹將此論文獻給您們。 最後也要感謝教會家長們願意讓孩子作為發音人,讓我能順利蒐集語料。感 謝教會為我代禱的每一位弟兄姊妹,在我最慌亂無助時,幫助我尋得從神而來的 平安。這一切的一切都要感謝神每一步的安排與帶領,讓我在寫論文的過程中, 真真實實地經歷那不可思議的恩典。. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(3) 摘要. 本論文以優選理論(Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004)分析英語及華語歌曲中 音樂與語言的互動關係,並由音段、節奏與聲調三方面切入探討。本文首先研究 語言到音樂的對應,檢視華語成人如何將自己說出的英語聲母子音串,以及韻尾 子音串,感知進入音樂中唱出。研究結果顯示音樂節拍會導致唱的音段與唸的音 段不同。此外,本文也討論作曲者如何將華語兒歌歌詞韻律結構,包含音步(foot) 及語調詞組(intonational phrase),感知進入音樂之中。本文發現韻律結構會與音 樂旋律對整、並影響音樂節拍的指派。. 政 治 大. 音樂到語言的對應則是觀察華語兒童聽華語歌曲時,如何將音樂旋律感知為. 立. 語言聲調,並說出其所聽到的音節聲調。結果顯示兒童所感知的語言聲調與歌曲. ‧ 國. 的聲調不同。. 學. 旋律相近。然而所產出的聲調則因心理詞彙的連結與否,而可能造成產出與感知. ‧. 節奏的對應與音段的改變,顯示語言到音樂的感知語法具有重要角色。兒童. sit. n. al. er. io. 關鍵詞:. y. Nat. 產出聲調與感知聲調的不同,亦可驗證感知與產出係由獨立不同的語法所管理。. i Un. v. 音樂與語言的對應、感知語法、詞彙連結、韻律結構、子音串、優選理論. Ch. engchi. i. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(4) Abstract. This study aims to investigate the relationship between language and music through segment, rhythm, and tone in English and Mandarin songs. The languagemusic mappings are analyzed under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). This research first examines the language-to-music mapping through Mandarinaccented English in reading and singing. This study discusses how onset and coda clusters are produced in the linguistic output, and how the linguistic output is perceived into music. Segmental changes are shown in the language-to-music mapping, where. 政 治 大 music mapping is also explored through the composing of Mandarin children’s songs. 立. beat assignment takes place and affects the linguistic output form. The language-to-. This study finds that the prosodic structures of foot and intonational phrase in Mandarin. ‧ 國. 學. children’s songs are aligned with music structures. Footing and intonational phrasing also affect the musical beat assignment.. ‧. The music-to-language mapping is examined through children’s perception of the. sit. y. Nat. musical melody in songs. The issue lies in how native Mandarin-speaking children map the music pitches to Mandarin tones, and how they produce what they hear. In the. io. n. al. er. perception of the musical pitches, singing words or phrases are perceived into the. i Un. v. linguistic input forms with similar tonal values. However, the children may produce. Ch. engchi. syllables whose tones are different from what they perceive because of lexical association. This research provides an extensive study on the interaction between language and music. Segmental changes, rhythmic correspondences, and tonal adjustments in language-music mapping reveal that perception and production are governed by independent phonological grammars. Keywords: Language-music mapping, Perception grammar, Lexical association, Prosodic structure, Consonant cluster, Optimality Theory. ii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(5) Table of Contents Chinese Abstract............................................................................................................... i English Abstract .............................................................................................................. ii Chapter 1 Introduction ............................................................................................ 1 1.1 Research issue ...................................................................................................... 1 1.2 The Proposed Model ............................................................................................ 2 1.3 Organization ......................................................................................................... 3. Chapter 2 Literature Review .................................................................................5 2.1 Music-Language Connection ............................................................................... 5. 政 治 大. 2.2 Perception Grammar ............................................................................................ 8. 立. 2.3 Prosodic Phonology............................................................................................ 11. ‧ 國. 學. 2.3.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy ............................................................................... 11 2.3.2 Intonational Phrase ...................................................................................... 12. ‧. 2.3.3 Foot Formation Rule .................................................................................... 16. sit. y. Nat. 2.4 Optimality Theory .............................................................................................. 20. io. er. 2.4.1 Faithfulness Constraints and Markedness Constraints ................................ 21 2.4.2 Generalized Alignment .............................................................................. 22. n. al. Ch. i Un. v. 2.4.3 Stratal OT .................................................................................................... 23. engchi. 2.4.4 Local Conjunction ....................................................................................... 24. Chapter 3 Language-to-Music Mapping: Onset Cluster .................. 26 3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 26 3.2 Data Design ........................................................................................................ 27 3.2.1 Step 1: Reading ............................................................................................ 27 3.2.2 Step 2: Singing............................................................................................. 30 3.3 Language-to-Music Mapping ............................................................................. 32 3.4 LI-to-LO Mapping: Production Grammar ........................................................... 34 3.5 LO-to-MI Mapping: Perception Grammar .......................................................... 37 iii. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(6) 3.5.1 LO1-to-MI Mapping ...................................................................................... 37 3.5.2 LO2-to-MI Mapping ...................................................................................... 39 3.6 MI-to-MO Mapping: Production Grammar ......................................................... 42 3.7 Summary ............................................................................................................ 44. Chapter 4 Language-to-Music Mapping: Coda Cluster. .....................46. 4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 46 4.2 Data Design ........................................................................................................ 46 4.2.1 Step 1: Reading ............................................................................................ 47 4.2.2 Step 2: Singing............................................................................................. 49. 政 治 大 Mapping: Production 立 Grammar ........................................................... 52. 4.3 Language-to-music Mapping ............................................................................. 51 4.4 LI-to-LO. ‧ 國. 學. 4.5 LO-to-MI Mapping: Perception Grammar .......................................................... 54 4.5.1 LO1-to-MI Mapping ...................................................................................... 54. ‧. 4.5.2 LO2-to-MI Mapping ...................................................................................... 57. sit. y. Nat. 4.6 MI-to-MO Mapping: Production Grammar ......................................................... 59. io. er. 4.7 Summary ............................................................................................................ 60. a. n. i v and Musical Beat l C Chapter 5 Language-to-Music Mapping: Foot n hengchi U Assignment......................................................................................................................... 62 5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 62 5.2 LI-to-LO Mapping: Foot Formation .................................................................... 63 5.3 LO-to-MI Mapping: Footing and Musical Beat Assignment .............................. 70 5.3.1 Some Musical Basics ................................................................................... 70 5.3.2 Musical Beat Assignment ............................................................................ 72 5.4 MI-to-MO Mapping: Prosody Removal and Association Faithfulness ............... 76 5.5 Summary ............................................................................................................ 79. iv. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(7) Chapter 6 Language-to-Music Mapping: IP and Musical Beat Assignment .............................................................................................................. 81 6.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 81 6.2 LI-to-LO Mapping: intonational phrasing ........................................................... 82 6.3 LO-to-MI Mapping: IP and Musical Beat Assignment ....................................... 83 6.3.1 Edge alignment between IP and Musical Measure ...................................... 83 6.3.2 IP-final Lengthening and Musical Accent ................................................... 89 6.4 MI-to-MO Mapping: Prosody Removal and Association Faithfulness ............... 94 6.5 Summary ............................................................................................................ 95. 政 治 大. Chapter 7 Music-to-Language Mapping: Tone and Term association ................................................................................................................ 98. 立. 7.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 98. ‧ 國. 學. 7.2 Some Basics and the Proposed Corresponding Principles ............................... 98. ‧. 7.3 Data Design ...................................................................................................... 101 7.4 Musical Pitch to Linguistic Tone Mapping ...................................................... 103. y. Nat. sit. 7.4.1 Type 1 Operation ....................................................................................... 105. n. al. er. io. 7.4.2 Type 2 Operation ....................................................................................... 107. i Un. v. 7.5 MO-to-LI Mapping: Pitch Perception ............................................................... 108. Ch. engchi. 7.5.1 Falling Contour .......................................................................................... 108 7.5.2 Rising Contour........................................................................................... 111 7.5.3 Level Contour ............................................................................................ 112 7.6 LI-to-LO Mapping: Type 1 Operation ............................................................... 114 7.7 LI-to-LO Mapping: Type 2 Operation ............................................................... 116 7.8 Summary ........................................................................................................ 117. Chapter 8 Music-to-Language Mapping: Tone and Markedness . 119 8.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 119 8.2 Data Design ...................................................................................................... 119 v. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(8) 8.3 Musical Pitch to Linguistic Tone Mapping ...................................................... 120 8.3.1 Type 3a Operation ..................................................................................... 122 8.3.2 Type 3b Operation ..................................................................................... 124 8.4 MO-to-LI Mapping: Pitch Perception ............................................................... 125 8.5 LI-to-LO Mapping: Type 3a Operation ............................................................. 126 8.6 LI-to-LO Mapping: Type 3b Operation ............................................................. 127 8.7 Summary ........................................................................................................ 130. Chapter 9 Conclusion and Further Issue.................................................... 131 9.1 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 131. 政 治 大. 9.2 Further Issue ..................................................................................................... 136. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Bibliography .................................................................................................................. 138. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. vi. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(9) Chapter 1 Introduction. 1.1 Research Issue This research aims to investigate the relationship between language and music through perception and production grammars in English and Mandarin songs. Three aspects are examined, namely, segment, rhythm, and, tone. This study first examines the language-to-music mapping through Mandarin-. 政 治 大. accented English in reading and singing. I investigate how onset clusters are produced. 立. in the linguistic output, and how the linguistic output is mapped into music. Segmental. ‧ 國. 學. changes are shown in the linguistic mapping and the language-to-music mapping where. ‧. beat assignment takes place and affects the linguistic output. This study continues to discuss the segmental changes in coda clusters. The language-to-music mapping is also. y. Nat. er. io. sit. explored via the composing of Mandarin children’s songs. The research examines how foot is formed in the linguistic output, how the structure of the foot affects the musical. al. n. iv n C beat assignment, and how the musical surfaces in the musical output. The h estructure ngchi U mapping of intonational phrase (IP) and musical structure is also discussed.. The music-to-language mapping is investigated through children’s perception of the musical melody in Mandarin songs. The issue lies in how native Mandarin-speaking children map the musical pitches to linguistic tones, and how they produce what they hear. In the perception of the musical pitches, singing words or phrases are mapped to the linguistic input forms with similar tonal values. In production, toned strings are interpreted in the output through lexical association. This study examines the output tone of successful lexical association, which is followed by the discussion of the output 1. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(10) tone with lexical access failure. The outputs of the language-to-music mapping and the music-to-language mapping are governed by perception and production grammars, which are schematized in section 1.2.. 1.2 The Proposed Model This research proposes a model for the language-to-music mapping, and that for the music-to-language mapping. The model in (1) predicts the language-to-music mapping, where segmental. 治 政 changes and rhythmic mappings are accounted. The linguistic 大 input maps to the output 立 through the relevant production grammar. The linguistic output then maps to the ‧ 國. 學. musical input by the perception grammar. Finally, the musical input maps to the output. ‧. by the production grammar.. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. (1) Language-to-music mapping: segment and rhythm. Linguistic input. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Production grammar Linguistic output Perception grammar Musical input Production grammar Musical output. 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(11) The model in (2) predicts the music-to-language mapping, where tonal changes are accounted. The musical output maps to the linguistic input by the perception grammar, and then the linguistic input maps to the output by the production grammar.. (2) Music-to-language mapping: tone Musical output Perception grammar Linguistic input Production grammar Linguistic output. 立. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. This research provides an extensive study on the connection between language and. ‧. music by positing an independent perception grammar. The independence of the perception grammar is revealed from segmental changes, rhythmic correspondences,. y. Nat. er. io. sit. and tonal adjustments. The language-music mappings are analyzed under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). Different. al. n. iv n C constraints and rankings are respectively in the production and perception h e n posited gchi U grammars.. 1.3 Organization This dissertation is composed of nine chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the core research issue, the theoretical proposal, and the organization of this dissertation. Chapter 2 discusses previous studies on the language-music connection, perception, prosodic phonology, classic OT, and Stratal OT. Both Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 compare the linguistic mapping and the language-to-music mapping through Mandarin-accented 3. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(12) English in reading and singing. Chapter 3 discusses how musical beat assignment affects the segmental changes in relation to the onset clusters and how the prosodic word conditions musical beat assignment in the musical input. Chapter 4 continues to discuss the Mandarin-accented English in reading and singing, with a focus on coda clusters. Chapters 5 and 6 examine rhythmic correspondences in the composing of Mandarin children’s songs. Chapter 5 investigates the mapping from foot structure to musical structure while Chapter 6 continues to probe into the mapping between intonational phrase (IP) and musical structure. Chapter 7 investigates children’s perception of the musical melody in the singing of Mandarin songs. Chapter 8 continues. 政 治 大. to examine children’s perception of tones in Mandarin songs and the music-to-language. 立. mapping that produces unassociated terms. Chapter 9 offers the conclusion and. ‧ 國. 學. proposes the remaining issue for further studies.. ‧. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 4. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(13) Chapter 2 Literature Review. This chapter introduces the current researches of music-language connection as well as the theoretical background of perception grammar, prosodic phonology, and Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004).. 2.1 Music-Language Connection. 政 治 大. Previous studies demonstrate the parallel feature between language and music.. 立. Lindblom (1978) proposes that lengthening of final elements is not only shown speech. ‧ 國. 學. but also in music. Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983) observe the similarity between. ‧. metrical beat in linguistic rhythm and musical beat in musical rhythm. Sunberg and Lindblom (1991) propose that both language and musical structures are structured. y. Nat. er. io. sit. hierarchically and can be parsed into smaller sections. Schreuder (2006) also explores the resemblance between linguistic rhythm and musical rhythm.. al. n. iv n C Studies show the reconciliation h between language U e n g c h i and music in structure and stress. mapping. Halle and Lerdahl (1993) discover that when singers encounter novel stanza for a song they know, they have the consistent ability to set the stanza into the song. For example, singers tend to match stressed syllables to strong positions in music. Following the study of Halle and Lerdahl (1993), Hayes (2005) investigates the textsetting intuition under the framework of OT, in which constraints can be violated for a more important purpose. For instance, stressed syllables are placed in weaker rhythmic positions in order to avoid long lapse, where long sequence is without syllable.. 5. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(14) The linguistic and metrical mappings also show various rhythmic correspondences. Selkirk (1984) proposes the silent grid positions, which may correspond to pausing or syllable lengthening. Hsiao (2006, 2007) observes the silent demibeat in Taiwanese nursery rhymes and Changhua folk verse. Metrical lines with silent demibeat in the final position are regarded as the masculine lines. In the Changhua folk verse in (3), the final demibeat is silent so it is regarded as a masculine line.. (3) X o. x. X. x. tsiao peh. X. tsiao lai. x. X. thao. tsia. x. 治 政 大 ‘Black birds and white birds come to steal food.’ 立 black bird. white bird. come secretly eat. (Hsiao 2006: 10). ‧ 國. 學 ‧. Hsiao (2006) also observes that immediate constituents (ICs) share a demibeat to create masculine lines. As in (4), the pair of ICs tshut-lai, share one demibeat.. tsao tshut-lai khuanN Run DIR-DIR look. sit. a lx. n. X. er. io. x. y. Nat. (4) X. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. (Hsiao 2006:17). On the other hand, Huang (2007) builds a corpus and examines the alignment of prosodic structure and the movement of the finger rhymes. Sung (2012) also investigates the structure alignment, and syllable-to-musical beat mapping between Chinese verse line and music. For example, the last syllable in a stanza corresponds to the longest beat.. 6. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(15) Linguistic mora is found to be influenced by music. Ito, Kubozono, Mester & Tanaka (2019) examine the rhythmic adaptation of batters’ names into baseball chants. Baseball fans set batters’ names into three beats (X). The base chant shows structural mapping between rhythm and the linguistic mora. For example, the mapping principle for the 3-mora names requires aligning the initial mora to the initial beat (X1), the final mora to the final beat (X3), and the medial mora to the medial beat (X2). Therefore, baa-su surfaces as baa-aa-suu instead of *baa-suu-uu. For musical pitch and linguistic tonal mapping, Wong and Diehl (2002) investigate Cantonese songs and discuss how the lyrics of a song in a tone language are understood.. 政 治 大. Wee (2007) also discusses how listeners of Mandarin songs identify the lyrics from the. 立. musical melodies. Wee (2007) proposes that, when preserving contrast between musical. ‧ 國. 學. heads and linguistic heads, which are at prominent positions, listeners are able to. ‧. reconstruct lyrics. The tone-tune correspondence is also observed in Shona, a Bantu language spoken in Zimbabwe. Schellenberg (2009) finds that sung melodies in Shona. y. Nat. er. io. sit. correspond to the spoken melodies.. Previous studies discuss the language-music mapping from the perspective of. al. n. iv n C production grammar. present study h e n gThe chi U. either perception or. proposes that both. perception grammar and production grammar are involved in the connection between language and music. The segmental change according to beat duration is examined in Chapter 3-4. The alignment between prosodic structures and the musical structures is examined through Mandarin children’s songs in Chapter 5-6. The pitch-tone correspondence is discussed in Chapter 7-8.. 7. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(16) 2.2 Perception Grammar Previous researches have argued over the independence of perception grammar. Studies of loanword adaptation demonstrate that perception and production together contribute to the output form of loanwords. Silverman (1992) proposes that there are two stages in the adoption of loanwords. The first stage is the perceptual scan where some, but not all of the aspects are detected. For example, when Cantonese speakers perceive English words, they do not perceive English voicing contrast, which Cantonese lacks. The output of the perceptual scan becomes the input for Operative Level. Among the detected segments, more salient ones tend to be preserved in the. 治 政 output. For instance, in the English word, place, /s/ is 大more salient than /l/, so the 立 Cantonese output is [p eysi], which deletes /l/, whereas /s/ is preserved. h. ‧ 國. 學. Yip (1993) follows the work of Silverman (1992) and proposes the constraint. ‧. based-analysis of the Cantonese loanwords. Yip (1993) proposes that Cantonese. sit. y. Nat. loanwords are close to the perceived input. On the other hand, the output of the. io. al. er. Cantonese loanword phonology must conform to surface well-formedness. The. n. violation of faithfulness is for minimally bi-syllabic outputs and for preserving highly. C salient segments by vowel insertion.h. engchi. i Un. v. Kenstowicz (2003) reviews Gbeto’s (1999) cross-linguistic loanword in Fon. In the review, he proposes separate constraint rankings for perception and production grammar for French loanwords in Fon. In the perception process, word-final stops that are preceded by obstruents are diminished. Therefore, deletion or epenthesis would take place. This motivates a separate perception mapping in loanword adaptation. Take post for example. The constraint ranking for perception is Dep-V >> *stop/obstruent. #. >> Max-C, which selects pos as the optimal output. On the other hand, the constraint ranking for production grammar is Max-C >> *stop/obstruent. # >> Dep-V, which. 8. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(17) selects posu as the output. Boersma (2001) argues that the production of a word, involves not only perception and production grammar, but also recognition grammar. Boersma (2001) proposes a grammar model that illustrates the process of perception, production, and recognition grammar. (5) The grammar model of functional phonology. 政 治 大. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. (Boersma 2001:24). sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. The left side of the figure in (5) shows that the listeners perceive other speaker’s. i Un. v. utterance and keep it as the underlying form after lexical recognition. The left side of. Ch. engchi. the figure comprises the comprehension grammar which contains both perception and recognition grammar. The right-hand side of the figure shows how the listeners produce the sound they perceive. On the contrary, Smolensky (1996) proposes a single grammar that works for production and comprehension. This is fought against by Boersma (2001), who indicates that only the maximally faithful candidate will win in comprehension grammar, which is not always true.. 9. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(18) (6) *VOICEDCODA >> MAXVOI ∣rɑd∣ ‘wheel’. *VOICEDCODA. a. [rɑd]. MAXVOI. *!. b. [rɑt]. *. The coda in (6) is voiced so it is eliminated by *VOICEDCODA. The production grammar chooses [rɑt] as the listener’s optimal output in sacrifice of MAXVOI, which requires that underlying voicing feature have an output correspondent.. (7) *VOICEDCODA >> MAXVOI [rɑt]. 政 治 M V 大. *VOICEDCODA. 立. **a. ∣rɑt∣‘rat’. AX OI. ‧ 國. *!. 學. b. ∣rɑd∣‘wheel’. ‧. The constraints in (7) evaluate the top left cell, so each candidate does not violate. sit. y. Nat. *VOICEDCODA. The constraint ranking in (7) which is identical to that in (6) will always. io. er. choose ∣rɑt∣as the underlying form of the listener even though the speaker may refer. al. to ‘wheel.’ Boersma (2001) solves this problem by capturing the phonology-semantics. n. iv n C interaction. In terms of the fact thathwords with lower eng c h i Ufrequency are less likely to be recognized, he proposes the constraint, *LEX, which evaluates the underlying form and can rule out words with lower frequency.. (8) * LEX (∣rɑd∣‘wheel’) >> *VOICEDCODA >> MAXVOI >> * LEX >> (∣rɑt∣‘rat’) [rɑt]. * LEX (∣rɑd∣‘wheel’). *VOICEDCODA. MAXVOI. a. ∣rɑt∣‘rat’ b.∣ rɑd∣‘wheel’. * LEX (∣rɑt∣‘rat’) *. *!. *. As in (8), * LEX (∣rɑd∣‘wheel’) can be lowered during acquisition. 10. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(19) This study also proposes that perception and production are separate grammars. The evidence is shown in music-to-language mapping and language-to-music mapping. For example, when perceiving song lyrics, children perceive the musical pitch faithfully into the linguistic tone. However, when producing the lyrics, their production form will be influence by lexical association and surface well-formedness constraints. While lexicon recognition in Boersma (2001) takes place in recognition grammar, this study proposes that lexical association shows in the production grammar. More discussions will be shown in Chapter 7-8.. 政 治 大. 2.3 Prosodic Phonology. 立. 2.3.1 The Prosodic Hierarchy. ‧ 國. 學. The prosodic hierarchy is proposed by Selkirk (1980), Nespor and Vogel (1986),. ‧. and Inkelas (1989), among others. The prosodic hierarchy divides phonological. sit. n. al. er. io. (9) Prosodic Hierarchy. y. Nat. structures into smaller constituents, as in (9).. Utterance. Ch. engchi. Intonational phrase. v. U. IP. Phonological phrase. PhP. Phonological word. Wd. Foot Syllable. i Un. Ft Syl. 11. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(20) The prosodic hierarchy is subject to the strict layering hypothesis (Selkirk 1984; Nespor and Vogel 1986).. (10) Strict layering hypothesis (a) *skipping. (b) *inverting. IP. (c) *recursive. Ph. Wd. IP. IP. IP. (10a) shows the violation of *skipping since IP directly dominates Wd, and skips the. 政 治 大. Ph level. The violation of *inverting is illustrated in (10b) where Ph is at a lower level. 立. than IP. (10c) violates *recursion, which prohibits prosodic structures from dominating. ‧ 國. 學. themselves.. ‧. The present research discusses how the prosodic structures, which are IP, foot and prosodic word are aligned with musical beats and structures.. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat 2.3.2 Intonational Phrase. Ch. i Un. v. Nespor and Vogel (1986) presume that the entire sentence is a single intonational. engchi. phrase (IP), which can be restructured for physiological reasons or for ease of language processing. Nespor and Vogel (1986) also propose that a line that is too long is not preferred, so IP can be broken down into shorter ones, as in (11b-c).. (11) (a) (My friend’s baby hamster always looks for food in the corners of its cage)IP (b) (My friend’s baby hamster)IP (always looks for food in the corners of its cage)IP (c) (My friend’s baby hamster)IP (always looks for food)IP (in the corners of its cage)IP (Nespor and Vogel 1986:194) 12. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(21) The domain of an intonational phrase (IP) can be syntactically or semantically defined. Some studies indicate that IPs are formed based on the syntactic configurations (Downing 1970, 1973; Bing 1979). Halliday (1967) and Selkirk (1984) recognize that IPs are semantically based. Consider the Sense Unit Condition proposed by Selkirk (1984) in (12).. (12) Sense Unit Condition Two constituents Ci, Cj form a sense unit if (a) or (b) is true of the semantic interpretation of the sentence: (a) Ci modifies Cj (a head),. 政 治 大. (b) Ci is an argument of Cj (a head).. 立. (Selkirk 1984:291). ‧ 國. 學 ‧. A sense unit is formed by modifier-modified relation and the head-argument relation between syntactic constituents. Consider the example in (13).. n. al. er. io. sit. y. Nat. (13). (a) ‘Give you a big apple.’ VP V' song 送 give. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. NP1 ni 你 2SG. da ping guo 大 蘋 果 big apple IP. 13. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(22) (b) ‘Give you a big apple.’. V song 送 give. NP2 ni 你 2SG. AP N da ping guo 大 蘋 果 big apple. IP1. IP2. In (13a), NP1 is taken as an internal argument by V' so V' and NP1 together form a sense unit. At the lower level of the syntactic tree, ni ‘you’ is the indirect object of V song ‘give’, and the AP da ‘big’ is a modifier of the N ping guo, ‘apple’. Therefore, song ni,. 政 治 大 and da ping guo can be respectively parsed into intonational phrases, as in (13b). 立. ‧ 國. 學. The prosodic pause, which is among the factors that contribute to the parsing of. intonational phrase, is illustrated in (14).. y. sit. (b) syllable-lengthening. n. al. x x. x xx. σ σ σ composing. x x x x x. Ch. σ σ σ tomorrow. x x x. e n g cx hxi. er. io. (a) pausing x x x. ‧. Nat. (14). vx i n x x U. xx x x x  σ σ σ σ σ σ. composing. tomorrow. The grid exhibits units of conceived time, which is termed demibeat by Selkirk (1984). As shown in (14), x-symbols stand for silent demibeat positions, which are regarded as pauses when they are unaligned. On the other hand, syllable-lengthening is represented by aligning x-symbols with syllables. Selkirk (1984) indicates that pausing and syllablelengthening are actually the same phenomena. 14. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(23) The silent demibeat addition rule is proposed by Selkirk (1984), as in (15).. (15) Silent demibeat addition Add a silent demibeat at the end (right extreme) of the metrical grid aligned with (a) a word, (b) a word that is the head of a nonadjunct constituent, (c) a phrase, (d) a daughter phrase of S. (Selkirk 1984). 政 治 大 define the intonational phrase, Hsiao (1995) provides the parameter of intonational 立. In them of the fact that neither of sense unit and prosodic pause could by itself. ‧ 國. ‧. (16) I-Parameter. 學. phrase, as in (16).. Nat. n. al. Ch. engchi. sit er. io. ] = right edge, SU = sense unit. y. I=< γ ]。, SU > where γ = boundary tone, 。 = pause. i Un. v. The parameter exhibits that an intonational phrase is a sense unit that ends in a boundary tone followed by a pause. Hsiao (1995) indicates that a silent beat is obligatorily added to the end of an IP in a normal tempo. In Chapter 5-6 of the present study, the composer composes musical melody based on given lyrics. The intonational phrase boundaries are thus defined by the provided punctuations such as commas, periods, or exclamations.. 15. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(24) 2.3.3 Foot Formation Rule Chen (1984) proposes the foot formation rules to account for Mandarin verses. The rules take syntactic information into account and operate in the order in (17):. (17) Foot formation rule (a) Immediate Constituency (IC): Link immediate constituents into disyllabic feet. (b) Duple Meter (DM): Scanning from left to right, string together unpaired syllables into binary feet. (c) Triple Meter (TM): Join any leftover monosyllable to a neighboring binary foot according to the direction of syntactic branching. (Chen 1984:223). 立. 政 治 大. The main focuses of the rules in (17) are ICs and the tree branching direction of the. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. syntactic tree.. sit. al. fisherman net ∣ ∣f ∣. n. ren wang ji han tan xia 人 網 集 寒 潭 下. Ch. engchi. er. io. yu漁. y. Nat. (18) ‘Fishermen’s nets gather under the cold pond.’. i Un. v. gather cold pond under ∣ ∣f IC f ∣ DM ∣ ∣f TM. As exemplified in (18), ICs, yu and ren, han and tan have the priority to form into two feet. DM scans from left to right and strings wang and ji into a foot. As shown in (18), the branching of wang and ji is in the opposite direction. However, they can still be strung into one foot. Then TM parses xia to the neighboring foot, han tan.. 16. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(25) Shih (1986) proposes the modified foot formation rule for Mandarin common speech, as in (19).. (19) Foot formation rule (a) Immediate Constituency (IC): Link immediate constituents into disyllabic feet. (b) Duple Meter (DM): Scanning from left to right, string together unpaired syllables into binary feet, unless they branch in the opposite direction. (c) Superfoot (f’): Join any leftover monosyllable to a neighboring binary foot according to the direction of syntactic branching.. 立. (Shih, 1986: 110). 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. In Shih’s (1986) foot formation rule, DM cannot string syllables that belong to. ‧. different branching direction.. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. (20) ‘In the small bowl is where the fruit is placed’. xiao 小 small ∣ ∣. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. wan li bai shui guo 碗 裡 擺 水 果 bowl in put fruit f ∣ ∣ ∣f IC f ∣ ∣ *DM ∣f ∣ ∣f Superfoot. (20) shows that li and bai cannot form a DM since they have opposite branching direction. Therefore, xiao wan li and bai shui guo respectively forms two superfeet. Based on Chen (1984) and Shih (1986), Hsiao (1991) proposes the beat counting 17. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(26) device in terms of the discrepancy between lexical syllables and functor syllables. The metrical beat is assigned with a lexical syllable first and then the functor syllable is assigned with a beat in normal or slow speech, behaving like a lexical syllable and is left-adjoined to the nearest beat in fast speech. Hsiao (1991) proposes the following foot formation rule that is on the basis of beat counting device.. (21) Foot formation revisited (a) Immediate Constituent Foot (ICF): Any adjacent beats which are assigned to ICs form an ICF.. 政 治 大. (b) Adjacent Beat Foot (ABF): Any two adjacent beats which are not assigned to ICs are paired into an ABF.. 立. (c) Jumbo Foot (JF): Any unpaired single beat is recruited by a neighboring foot. ‧ 國. 學. to form a Jumbo Foot if the beat c-commands the adjacent beat contained in the foot.. ‧. (d) Minifoot (MF): The leftmost single beat constitutes a Minifoot iff it is followed by an intonational phrase boundary %.. sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. (Hsiao 1991:38). Ch. i Un. v. Hsiao’s (1991) foot formation rule is exemplified in (22).. engchi. (22) ‘I went toward the north.’. wo 我 I. wang bei 往 北 toward north x ∣. x. x. ∣. ∣f. zou 走 go x ∣f. Lexical Beat ABF Functor Beat ABF 18. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(27) As shown in (22), bei and zou are assigned lexical beats, whereas wo and wang are assigned functor beats. The lexical beats, bei and zou are paired into an ABF first. Then the functor beats, wo and wang are parsed into another ABF. The present study applies Shih’s (1986) and Hsiao’s (1991) foot formation rules for constructing foot in Mandarin children’s songs. The lyrics of the children’s songs are similar to common speech. Take (23) for example.. (23) ‘Love to somersault when nothing to do whole day long.’. 立 ai. ‧ 國. fan gen tou 愛 翻 跟 頭. 學. zheng tian mei shi 整 天 沒 事. 政 治 大. ‧. whole-day nothing-to-do love turn somersault ∣ ∣f ∣ ∣f ∣ ∣f ∣ ∣f. sit. y. Nat. al. er. io. ICs, zheng-tian, mei-shi, and gen-tou are first parsed into feet. Then ai and fan are. v. n. strung into a foot since their branching directions are the same.. Ch. engchi. i Un. Example (24) is another example taken from the present study.. 19. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(28) (24) ‘There is a big caterpillar in a big apple.’. 大 da big. 蘋 果. 裡. 有. 大. 毛 毛. 蟲. ping-guo li you da mao-mao chung apple inside have big caterpillar f ∣ ∣ ∣ ∣f ∣ ∣f ∣f. ∣ ∣. ∣f. ∣ ∣f. 立. 政 治 大. First of all, ICs, ping-guo and mao-mao are strung into feet. Then you and da are strung. ‧ 國. 學. together since their branching direction is the same. Finally, da and li are both adjoined. ‧. to the foot ping-guo while chung is adjoined to the foot mao-mao.. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 2.4 Optimality Theory. The Optimality Theory (OT) is proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004).. al. n. iv n C OT regards grammars as a set of ranked U are violable. The operation h e constraints n g c h i which of OT consists mainly of Generator (GEN) and Evaluator (EVAL).. (25) Mapping of input to output in OT grammar C1 >> Input. Candidate a Candidate b Candidate c Candidate d Candidate …... C2. C3. Output. (Kager 1999:22). 20. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(29) The figure in (25) is illustrated by Kager (1999). In (25), GEN generates infinite sets of output candidates, which are evaluated by a set of hierarchically ranked constraints (C1>> C2 >> C3…). Each constraint may eliminate some output candidates until only one output candidate survives. 2.4.1 Faithfulness Constraints and Markedness Constraints The constraints in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) are universal. What makes language different from each other is the different rankings of the constraints. OT mainly contains two kinds of constraints, which are faithfulness. 政 治 大 The correspondence theory provides the framework for defining faithfulness 立. constraints and markedness constraints.. ‧ 國. 學. constraints (McCarthy and Prince 1995, 1999). The concept is that each candidate generated by GEN includes an output representation and a relation between the input. ‧. and the output. The faithfulness constraints of correspondence relation are shown in. sit. n. al. er. io. (26) MAX (No deletion):. y. Nat. (26-28).. Ch. i Un. Let input = i1i2i3…in and output = o1o2o3…om. engchi. Assign one violation mark for every ix. v. if there is no oy where ix  oy (27) DEP (No epenthesis): Let input = i1i2i3…in and output = o1o2o3…om Assign one violation mark for every oy if there is no ix where ix  oy (28) IDENT (No change): Let input = i1i2i3…in and output = o1o2o3…om Assign one violation mark for every pair (ix, oy), where ix  oy and ix and oy have different values of feature. 21. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(30) As shown in (26), MAX requires no deletion in the output. DEP in (27) prohibits epenthesis in the output while IDENT in (28) demands that output and input have the same values of feature. Markedness constraints require well-formedness on the output. For example, this research proposes the constraint, *ProsSt, which resquires no prosodic structure in the output. When *ProsSt ranks higher than the faithfulness constraint, MAXProsSt, which requires input prosodic structure preserved in the output, the prosodic structure will not remain in the output.. 2.4.2 Generalized Alignment. 立. 政 治 大. McCarthy and Prince (1993) propose a schema for defining alignment constraints,. ‧ 國. 學. as in (29). The alignment schema matches edges of prosodic and/or grammatical. ‧. constitutes.. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. ALIGN (Cat1, Edge1, Cat2, Edge2)=def. sit. (29) Alignment constraint schema (McCarthy and Prince 1993: 80). i Un. v. ∀ Cat1 ∃ Cat2 such that Edge1 of Cat1 and Edge2 of Cat2 coincide,. Ch. engchi. where Cat1, Cat2 ∈ PCat∪GCat and Edge1, Edge2 ∈ {Right, Left}.. As shown in (29), the grammatical category, GCat, refers to root, stem, syntactic word, phrase, etc. The prosodic category, PCat, refers to syllable, foot, phonological word, phonological phrase, intonational phrase, etc. For example, constraint (30a) demands that the left edge of a foot coincide with the left edge of a word. (30b) requires the alignment between the right edge of a word and the right edge of a foot.. 22. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(31) (30) a. Align-Left (foot, word) b. Align-Right (word, foot). The present study examines the alignment between prosodic words and musical beats as well as the alignment between intonational phrases and musical structures.. 2.4.3 Stratal OT Stratal OT has been used to account for opacity and paradigmatic transfer phenomena (Kiparsky 2000, Bermúdez-Otero 1999, 2007). It has its original in. 政 治 大. derivation lexical phonology (Kiparsky 1982, Mohanan 1982, Booij and Rubach 1987),. 立. which examines the intermediate levels between the input and the output.. ‧ 國. 學. (31). ‧. Stem stratum. sit. y. Nat. io. n. al. er. Word stratum. Postlexical stratum. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. As shown in (31), except for the first level, the input of each stratum is defined by the previous one. Each stratum has its own constraint ranking. In other words, stem must satisfy the stem phonology, word must satisfy the word phonology, and phrase must satisfy the phrasal phonology. In the present study, I observe that children’s perception of Mandarin songs exhibits a two-step operation of lexical association. When children perceive the musical pitch into their linguistic input, they associate the linguistic input to their mental lexicon 23. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(32) at the lexical level. However, if they fail to associate with an actual term, they then search at the postlexical level where they may or may not successfully associate with an actual term. The separate operations at lexical and postlexical levels show the spirit of Stratal OT.. 2.4.4 Local Conjunction Local conjunction, which is proposed by Green (1994) and Smolensky (1995), combines two constraints into one. Smolensky (1995) proposes the formalized description, as in (32).. 立. (32) Local conjunction. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. The local conjunction of C1 and C2 in domain, C1 and C2 is violated when there is some domain of type D in which both C1 and C2 are violated.. ‧. (Smolensky 1995:10). sit. y. Nat. n. al. er. io. Local conjunction rules out the worst of the worst output, which is called the. i Un. v. WOW effect. The constraint conjunction is violated only when both of its members are. Ch. engchi. violated. For example, the conjoined markedness constraints prohibit the worst of the worst marked output. Morris (2002) and Łubowicz (2002, 2005) indicate the need to conjoin markedness and faithfulness constraints. The concept is that the conjoined markedness member is activated only when the faithfulness member is violated. Wee (2002) proposes the faithfulness-faithfulness conjunction for tone. The constraint ID-R and ID-C is violated when both the tonal register and the tonal contour change. Hsiao (2015) proposes that both faithfulness-faithfulness and markedness-faithfulness conjuncts are required for the complex tonal chain shifts in Taiwanese.. 24. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(33) This study proposes a conjoined constraint, which is comprised of two markedness constraints, namely NoShare-σ and *CCCODA. NoShare-σ forbids syllables from being shared by two beats, whereas *CCCODA eliminates coda clusters. The conjoined constraint, NoShare-σ & *CCCODA is violated only when a syllable with a coda cluster is shared by two beats.. 立. 政 治 大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 25. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(34) Chapter 3 Language-to-Music Mapping: Onset Cluster 3.1 Introduction This chapter compares the linguistic mapping and the language-to-music mapping in onset clusters. Segmental changes are observed from Mandarin-accented English in reading and singing. I posit the mapping schema in (33).. 政 治 大. (33) Language-to-music mapping: segment. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Linguistic input. Production grammar. ‧. Linguistic output. sit. y. Nat. Perception grammar. al. n. Production grammar. Musical output. Ch. engchi. er. io. Musical input. i Un. v. As proposed in (33), the linguistic output is the English word pronounced by Mandarin speakers. This linguistic output is then perceived as the musical segmental inputs. The perceived musical input is then produced as the musical output, which is sung by the speakers. Segmental changes are observed from the linguistic mapping and language-to-music mapping. There are two linguistic output variants of monosyllabic syllables with onset clusters. Linguistic output1 preserves the onset cluster and the syllable number 26. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(35) remains one. Linguistic output2 involves vowel insertion so that the syllable number becomes two. These linguistic outputs are respectively assigned to one and two musical beats. This chapter investigates how musical beat assignment affects segmental changes and how the prosodic word conditions musical beat assignment in the musical input.. 3.2 Data Design The database is designed to compare segmental changes of onset clusters in the linguistic mapping and the language-to-music mapping. The Mandarin informants. 治 政 include two males and three females, aged between 大 59 and 72, and are of senior 立 secondary to higher education in Taiwan. All of them have learnt English for at least ‧ 國. 學. six years. In order to examine segmental changes between the linguistic output and. ‧. the musical output, the informants are asked to read and sing the assigned target. sit. y. Nat. words. The procedures of reading in step1 and singing in step 2 are introduced in. io. n. al. er. 3.2.1 and 3.2.2 respectively.. 3.2.1 Step 1: Reading. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. The informants read the target words on a piece of paper in step 1. They can see and read the words to ensure that their linguistic output comes from their own input instead of from other peoples’ linguistic output. The target words include onset clusters with different combination of consonants on the sonority scale.1 The sonority sequencing principle (SSP) is introduced by Sievers (1881) and Jespersen (1904). They propose that in the onset cluster a more. 1. The collected onset clusters do not reveal clear correlation to the SSP, which, however, effective on. coda clusters, as will be discussed in Chapter 4. 27. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(36) sonorous consonant stands closer to the syllable peak than one that is less sonorous. Carr (1993), and Broselow and Finer (1991) list stop and fricative as separate classes. As in (34), stop is the least sonorous, while glide is the most sonorous.. (34) Sonority scale Class Glide Liquid Nasal. Scale 5 4 3. Fricative Stop. 2 1. 治 政 大 onset clusters. The onsets The data in (35) are examples of target words with 立. in (35) conform to SSP. In other words, the sonority of the first consonant in the onset. ‧ 國. 學. cluster should be lower than that of the second consonant, which is closer to the. ‧. syllable peak. For instance, the onset cluster [bl] is the combination of a less sonorous. er. io. sit. y. Nat. stop followed by a more sonorous liquid.. (35) Target words with onset clusters. n. al. a.. stop+liquid. i v words n Example target CSSP he h i U /kraɪ/ 1 4 ngc /blu/ ‘blue’. ‘cry’. b.. stop+glide. 1. 5. /bjutɪ/ ‘beauty’. /kwin/ ‘queen’. c.. fricative+nasal. 2. 3. /snou/. /smɔl/. ‘snow’. ‘small’. /flaɪ/ ‘fly’. /fri/ ‘free’. d.. fricative+glide. 2. 5. 28. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(37) In step 1, the informants read the target words, such as in (36-39).. (36) Target word: blue Output: [blu], [bulu] (37) Target word: play Output: [phleɪ], [phuleɪ] (38) Target word: green Output: [grin], [gurin] (39) Target word: class Output: [klæs], [kəlæs]. 立. 政 治 大. ‧ 國. 學. There are two kinds of linguistic outputs. One is without vowel insertion and. sit er. a l Linguistic output i v1 (σ) n (blu) C h Linguistic output engchi U. n. /blu/ ‘blue’. io. (40) Linguistic input. y. Nat. schematized as (40).. ‧. the other is with vowel insertion. The variation in pronouncing the onset clusters is. (bulu). Linguistic output2 (σσ). As in (40), the prosodic words are formed in the output. For example, the linguistic input /blu/ yields either (blu) or (bulu) in the output. Linguistic output1 preserves the onset cluster and remains monosyllabic, whereas linguistic output2 inserts a vowel into the cluster and becomes disyllabic.. 29. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(38) (41) Statistics of the linguistic outputs Linguistic input. Linguistic output1. Linguistic output2. Total. CCV2. (CCV) (51/86%). (CVCV) (8/14%). 59 (100%). Table (41) shows the linguistic input to linguistic output mapping. There are totally 59 syllables with onset clusters. Fifty-one, or 86%, of them surface as one syllable; eight, or 14%, of them insert a vowel, changing the syllable number to two. The percentage shows that the informants tend to correctly pronounce syllables with onset clusters.. 3.2.2 Step 2: Singing. 治 政 大they produce in step 1. As In step 2, the informants sing the linguistic outputs 立. mentioned in 3.2.1, there are two kinds of linguistic outputs, namely, linguistic. ‧ 國. 學. output1 and linguistic output2. Each of the linguistic outputs is respectively assigned. ‧. with one and two beats in the language-to-music mapping. Take (blu) for example.. sit. y. Nat. (42) Linguistic output1 (σ) to singing mapping. io. al. n. a. Singing output blu ∣. q. er. Linguistic output1:(blu). C hb. Singing output U n i e n blu gchi. v. ╱╲. q. q. As shown in (42), whether linguistic output1, (blu), is assigned with one musical beat, as in (42a), or with two musical beats, as in (42b), the singing outputs surface as [blu], where no vowel insertion occurs. The prosodic word structure is removed in the singing output.. Some of the target words are with coda, for example, green. However, since coda is not the focus in this chapter, only onsets and nuclei are listed. 30 2. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(39) (43) Statistics of the linguistic output1 (σ) to singing mapping Singing output (q) Singing output (q q) CCV (50/98%) CCV (51/100%) ∣ ╱╲ q q q CVCV (1/2%) CVCV (0/0%) ╲╱ ∣ ∣ q q q 51 (100%) 51 (100%). Linguistic output1. (CCV). Total. The table in (43) shows that there are totally 51 onset clusters that are produced as linguistic output1. These onset clusters are respectively assigned with one and two. 政 治 大 as monosyllabic CCV. When they are associated with two beats, still 100% of them 立 musical beats. When they are associated with one beat, 50, or 98%, of them are sung. ‧ 國. 學. are sung as monosyllabic syllables. Consider the output2 mapping, as in (44).. ‧ y. Nat. (44) Linguistic output2 (σσ) to singing mapping. n. al. q. b.. Ch. Singing output blu ╱╲. engchi q. q. er. io. a. Singing output blu ∣. sit. Linguistic output2: (bulu). i Un. v. When (bulu) is assigned with one musical beat, as in (44a), the singing output is truncated as [blu]. When the same linguistic output is assigned with two musical beats, as in (44b), the singing output is still (blu). The structure of the prosodic word is removed in the singing output.. 31. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(40) (45) Statistics of the linguistic output2 (σσ) to singing mapping Linguistic output2. Singing output (q) CCV (7/87.5%) ∣ q CVCV (0/0%). (CVCV). ╲╱. q. q. CV (1/12.5%) ∣ q Total. Singing output (q q) CCV (7/87.5%) ╱╲ qq CVCV (1/12.5%) ∣ ∣ q. CV (0/0%) ╱╲ q q. 8 (100%). 8 (100%). 政 治 大. There are totally eight onset clusters that are produced as linguistic output2 in the. 立. database. Each of them is assigned with one and two musical beats respectively. As in. ‧ 國. 學. table (45), when they are associated with one beat, seven, or 87.5%, of them are sung as CCV. Only one, or 12.5%, of them is sung as CV. None of them are sung as. ‧. disyllabic syllables. When they are associated with two beats, still seven, or 87.5% of. y. Nat. sit. them are sung are sung as monosyllabic syllables.. n. al. er. io. In brief, two patterns are in order. First, whether the monosyllabic output1 is. i Un. v. associated with one or two musical beats, there is no vowel inserted to resolve the. Ch. engchi. onset cluster. Second, whether the disyllabic linguistic output2 is assigned with one or two musical beats, the inserted vowel in reading is deleted in singing.. 3.3 Language-to-Music Mapping I propose a model for the language-to-music mapping, as illustrated in (46). Production and perception grammars are shown in the linguistic mapping and language-to-music mapping.. 32. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(41) (46) Segmental Model for the Language-to-Music Mapping: Linguistic input. I . Linguistic output. O1 . Musical input. I1 ♩. 立O. Musical output. O2 . I2 ♩♩. I3 ♩. I4 ♩♩. O3. O4. 政 治 大 O2. 1. ‧ 國. 學. The input on the top is a monosyllable with an onset cluster. The production. ‧. grammar is shown in the linguistic input to output mapping. There are two linguistics. Nat. sit. y. outputs, namely, linguistic output1 and linguistic output2. Linguistic output1 is with. n. al. er. io. monosyllable where no vowel is inserted. Linguistic output2 is pronounced with two. i Un. v. syllables where a vowel is inserted to prevent complex consonants. Both of the. Ch. engchi. linguistic outputs are parsed into prosodic words.. The mapping from the linguistic output to the musical input demonstrates a need for the perception grammar. The linguistic outputs are perceived as the musical inputs, and each of them are assigned with one and two musical beats respectively. The prosodic word structure, which may affect beat assignment, is formed in the musical input. Whether linguistic output1 is assigned with one or two beats, the musical segmental input remains monosyllabic. As for linguistic output2, its inserted vowels are deleted whether they are assigned with one two beats.. 33. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(42) Finally, the musical inputs are mapped to the musical outputs, where the prosodic word structure is removed. Take the linguistic input, /blu/, for example. /blu/ is produced as (blu) or (bulu) in the linguistic outputs. The monosyllabic (blu) is referred to as linguistic output1, whereas (bulu) is referred to as linguistic output2. The linguistic outputs are perceived as the musical inputs, where both the monosyllabic (blu) and the disyllabic (bulu) are assigned with one and two beats respectively. Finally, the musical beat association yields the musical output, where the prosodic word structure is removed.. 3.4 LI-to-LO. 政 治 大 Mapping: Production Grammar 立. ‧ 國. 學. This section analyzes the linguistic input (LI) to linguistic output (LO) mapping under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). There. ‧. are two linguistic outputs. One is with vowel insertion and the other is without vowel. Nat. n. al. (47) MAX-C. Ch. engchi. er. io. (bulu). The relevant constraints are given in (47-50).. sit. y. insertion. Take /blu/ ‘blue’ for example. The output of /blu/ can be either (blu) or. i Un. v. Assign one violation mark for every input consonant that does not show in the output. (48) DEP-V Assign one violation mark for every output vowel that does not show in the input. (49) *CC Assign one violation mark for every syllable that has a consonant cluster.. 34. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(43) (50) ALIGN-E (LEX, ) Assign one violation mark for every lexical word whose edges are not aligned with the edges of a prosodic word. The database shows that 86% of the onset clusters are pronounced faithfully to their input. Therefore, we need faithfulness constraints, MAX-C and DEP-V that demand faithful relation between the input and the output. These constraints forbid consonant deletion and vowel insertion so that the output segments remain the same as the input. *CC is a markedness constraint that forbids complex consonants in a syllable. *CC competes with the faithfulness constraints and select the outputs that do. 政 治 大. not have consonant clusters. Therefore, in order to surface [blu], MAX-C and DEP-V. 立. should be ranked higher than *CC so that the consonant cluster can be preserved.. ‧ 國. 學. Syntactic lexical words are aligned with the prosodic words in the output, which is. ‧. governed by ALIGN-E(word, ).. sit. y. Nat. Tableau (51) shows the competition of these constraints.. io.  a. (blu). ALIGN-E. MAX-C. *CC *. *!. b. (bulu) *!. c. (bu) d. blu. DEP-V. a(word, iv l C ) n hengchi U. n. /blu/. er. (51) LI-to-LO mapping: output1, (blu). *. *!. In tableau (51), MAX-C and DEP-V are ranked higher than *CC. (51b) inserts a vowel and incurs a fatal violation of DEP-V. (51c) deletes a consonant, and thus is ruled out by MAX-C. The output in (51d) is not a prosodic word, so it is ruled out by ALIGN-E(word, ). (51a) that is faithful to the input is selected, in spite of a violation of *CC. 35. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(44) The database shows that 14% of the coda cluster are produced with an inserted vowel like (bulu). To obtain (bulu), *CC should be ranked higher than DEP-V. In this case, consonant clusters are avoided by inserting a vowel instead of deleting any consonant. Therefore, both *CC and MAX-C ranks higher than DEP-V. Tableau (52) examines the selection of the optimal output.. (52) LI-to-LO mapping: output2, (bulu) ALIGN-E (word, ). /blu/  a. (bulu) b. (blu). 立. c. (bu). DEP-V *. 政 治*! 大 *! *!. ‧ 國. MAX-C. *. 學. d. blu. *CC. ‧. Consider the output2 in (52). (52b) preserves the onset cluster [bl], so it is ruled. sit. y. Nat. out by *CC. (52c) conforms to *CC by deleting [l], and thus is ruled out by MAX-C.. n. al. er. io. (52d) is not a prosodic word, so it is ruled out by Align-E(word, ).. i Un. v. The constraint rankings for the linguistic input-to-output production grammars are summarized in (53).. Ch. engchi. (53) Linguistic input to linguistic output production grammars a. Output1: [blu]→(blu). ALIGN-E(LEX, ), MAX-C, DEP-V >> *CC. b. Output2: [blu]→(bulu). ALIGN-E(LEX, ), *CC, MAX-C >> DEP-V. The target word surfaces with two syllables when *CC is ranked higher than MAX-C and DEP-V. When *CC is ranked at the bottom, the target word is faithful to the input and remains monosyllabic. ALIGN-E(LEX, ) is the dominant constraint governing both outputs.. 36. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(45) 3.5 LO-to-MI Mapping: Perception Grammar 3.5.1 Lo1-to-MI Mapping As mentioned in section 3.4, there are two kinds of linguistic outputs. Output1 (LO1) is monosyllabic, whereas output2 (LO1) is disyllabic. This section examines the linguistic output1 (LO1) to the musical input (MI) mapping. When LO1 is mapped to MI, it is respectively assigned with one and two musical beats. I first discuss the case where LO1 is assigned with one musical beat. Three relevant constraints are proposed in (54-56).. (54) NOSTRAY. 立. 政 治 大. Assign one violation mark for every stray element, e, in the output.. ‧ 國. 學. (55) NOSHARE-B. io. sit. y. Nat. (56) NOSHARE-σ. er. syllables.. ‧. Assign one violation mark for every musical beat that is shared by two or more. Assign one violation mark for every syllable that is shared by two or more. al. n. musical beats.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. The constraint NOSTRAY is an undominated constraint, which ensures that every syllable or musical beat is associated. MAX-C is ranked above DEP-V, such that consonant deletion is avoided while vowel insertion is possible. NOSHARE-σ and NOSHARE-B are ranked at the bottom, as a syllable is often linked to multiple musical beats and vice versa. A partial constraint ranking is proposed in (57).. (57) Lo1-to-MI partial constraint ranking: NOSTRAY, MAX-C >> DEP-V >> NOSHARE-B, NOSHARE-σ 37. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(46) The tableau in (58) shows how the constraint ranking works.. (58) LO1-to-MI mapping: onset cluster (♩) LO1: (blu). MI: (blu)  ♩ NOSTRAY MAX-C. (blu) ♩ a.(blu)  ♩ b. (blu). DEP-V NOSHARE-B NOSHARE-σ. *!*. ‧ 國. 立. 政 治 大. *!. *!. *. 學. ♩ c. (bu)  ♩ d. (bulu)   ♩. ‧ sit. y. Nat. Tableau (58) examines the LO1-to-MI mapping where one musical beat is. io. er. assigned. MAX-C rules out (58c), where [l] is deleted, while DEP-V rules out (58d),. al. iv n C h eincurs syllable and a stray musical beat. (58a) i U violation and is selected as n g no c hconstraint n. where [u] is inserted. NOSTRAY is fatally violated by (58b), in which there is a stray. the optimal output. When LO1 is assigned with two beats, the mapped MI is still (blu), as shown in tableau (59).. 38. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(47) (59) LO1-to-MI mapping: onset cluster (♩♩) LO1: (blu). NOSHARE-σ. *. *!. *!. *! 立. 政 治 大. *. 學. ♩ ♩ a.(blu)  ♩ ♩ b. (blu)  ♩♩ c. (bulu)   ♩ ♩ d. (bu)  ♩ ♩.  ♩ ♩ NOSTRAY MAX-C DEP-V NOSHARE-B. ‧ 國. (blu). MI: (blu). ‧. The syllable in (59a) is shared by two musical beats, violating the bottom-ranked. y. Nat. NOSHARE-σ, but it is still selected as the optimal output. In (59b), there is one. al. er. io. sit. unlinked musical beat, and thus is eliminated by NOSTRAY. DEP-V and MAX-C then. n. rule out (59c) and (59d) respectively.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 3.5.2 Lo2-to-MI Mapping This section discusses the mapping from linguistic output2 (LO2) to the musical input (MI). There are two syllables in LO2, which are linked to either one or two musical beats in MI. When the LO2, (bulu), is assigned with one musical beat, it is mapped to monosyllabic (blu), as shown in tableau (60).. 39. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(48) (60) LO2-to-MI mapping: onset cluster (♩) LO2: (bulu). MI: (blu)  ♩. (bulu). NOSTRAY. ♩ a. (blu)  ♩ b. (blu). *!*. ♩ c. (bu)  ♩ d. (bulu)   ♩. DEP-V NOSHARE-B NOSHARE-σ. MAX-C. *!. 立. 政 治 大 *. ‧ 國. 學 ‧. In the previous tableau in (58), the output in (58d), (bulu), is ruled out by DEP-V due. sit. y. Nat. to the insertion of [u]. However, the same linguistic output in (60d) involves no vowel. io. er. insertion, and thus DEP-V is inactive. NOSTRAY and MAX-C rule out (60b) and (60c) respectively. NOSHARE-B favors (60a) over (60d), where the musical beat is shared by. n. al. ni Ch U two syllables. As a result, (60a) emerges. engchi. v. When the LO2, (bulu), is assigned with two musical beats, it is still mapped to monosyllabic (blu), which is linked to two musical beats. However, the tableau evaluation in (61) makes an incorrect prediction.. 40. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(49) (61) LO2-to-MI mapping: onset cluster (♩♩) LO2: (bulu). ♩ ♩ ()a. (blu)  ♩ ♩ b. (blu)  ♩♩. *!. *!. 立. *. 政 治 大. 學. c. (bu)   ♩ ♩ d. (bulu)    ♩ ♩. *!. ‧ 國. (bulu). MI: (blu)  ♩ ♩ NOSTRAY MAX-C DEP-V NOSHARE-B NOSHARE-σ. ‧. NOSHARE-σ undesirably rules out (61a), the real optimal output, as indicated by. sit. y. Nat. the parenthesized white right-headed hand symbol, (), and (61d) is wrongly selected,. io. al. er. as indicated by the parenthesized black right-headed hand symbol, . To exclude the. n. unwanted candidate in (61d), I propose the constraint in (62).. (62) ALIGN-R(♩, ):. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. Assign one violation mark for every musical beat, ♩, that is not linked to the rightmost syllable in a prosodic word, . This constraint must be ranked higher than NOSHARE-σ so that all the musical beats are associated with the final syllable. The enriched constraint ranking is provided in (63).. 41. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(50) (63) Lo2-to-MI constraint ranking (enriched) NOSTRAY, MAX-C >> DEP-V >> ALIGN-R(♩, ) >> NOSHARE-B, NOSHARE-σ. Consider now the tableau in (64).. (64) LO2-to-MI mapping: onset cluster (♩♩) LO2: (bulu). *. sit. io. er. *!. *. y. ‧. *!. Nat. c. (bu)  ♩ ♩ d. (bulu)   ♩ ♩. 立. *!. 政 治 大. 學. ♩ ♩ a. (blu)  ♩ ♩ b. (blu)   ♩♩. ‧ 國. (bulu). MI: (blu)  ♩ ♩ NOSTRAY MAX-C DEP-V ALIGN-R(♩, ) NOSHARE-B NOSHARE-σ. al. n. iv n C h ewith In (64d), each syllable is associated h i Ubeat, and thus incurs a fatal n ga cmusical violation of ALIGN-R(♩, ). Eventually, (64a) is selected as the optimal output, where the leftmost [u] is deleted while the rightmost [u] is shared by two musical beats.. 3.6 MI-to-MO Mapping: Production Grammar The mapping between the musical input and the musical output is subject to the production grammar that preserves syllable-beat association and removes prosodic structure in the musical output. Three constraints are posited in (65-67), and the constraint ranking is summarized in (68). 42. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(51) (65) ID-ASSOC: Assign one violation mark for every output association line that is not identical to that in the musical input. (66) *PROSST: Assign one violation mark for every prosodic structure in the output. (67) MAX-PROSST: Assign one violation mark for every prosodic structure in the musical input that does not have a correspondent in the musical output.. (68) MI-to-MO constraint ranking:. 治 政 大 -P S. ID-ASSOC, *PROSST >> MAX. 立. ROS T. ‧ 國. 學. ID-ASSOC must be undominated so that the syllable-beat association in the musical. ‧. input is retained in the musical output. *PROSST must outrank MAX-PROSST to ensure that there is no prosodic structure in the musical output. The tableaux in (69-70) show. y. Nat. er. io. sit. how the constraint ranking works.. n. al. (69) MI-to-MO. ni C h(/♩) mapping: onset cluster U engchi. v. ID-ASSOC *PROSST MAX-PROSST (blu)  ♩ a. blu *  ♩ *! b. (blu)  ♩ *! c. blu ♩. 43. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(52) (70) MI-to-MO mapping: onset cluster (/♩♩) ID-ASSOC *PROSST MAX-PROSST (blu)  ♩ ♩ a. blu *  ♩ ♩ *! b. (blu)  ♩ ♩ c. blu *!  ♩ ♩. 政 治 大 in the output. On the other 立 hand, (69c) and (70c) are eliminated by I -A. Both (69b) and (70b) are ruled out by *PROSST, as they preserve the prosodic words D. ‧ 國. ‧. 3.7 Summary. since. 學. the association lines are changed.. SSOC,. y. Nat. io. sit. The mapping of an onset cluster from the linguistic input to the linguistic output. n. al. er. involves interactions between segmental faithfulness and markedness, as well as. Ch. i Un. v. prosodic alignment. Two output variants are observed: LO1 is monosyllabic and. engchi. faithful, while LO2 is disyllabic, with a vowel inserted to resolve the onset cluster. I have proposed a set of relevant constraints, which are subject to flexible rankings, as illustrated by the Hasse diagrams in (71-72).. (71) LI-to-LO1 mapping: () ALIGN-E (LEX, ) DEP-V. MAX-C. *CC. 44. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

(53) (72) LI-to-LO2 mapping: () ALIGN-E(LEX, ). *CC. MAX-C. DEP-V. In the mapping to the musical input, the two linguistic outputs (LO1 and LO2) are assigned with one or two musical beats, as in (73).. (73) LO1-to-MI Mapping:  (♩, ♩♩) LO2-to-MI Mapping:  (♩, ♩♩). 立. 政 治 大. In spite of the fact that there are two constraint rankings in the LI-to-LO mapping,. ‧ 國. 學. the perception grammar in the LO-to-MI mapping lies in a single constraint ranking, as in (74).. ‧ y. Nat. sit. (74) LO-to-MI mapping. n. al. er. io. NOSTRAY MAX-C. DEP-V. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. ALIGN-R(♩, ). NOSHARE-B. NOSHARE-σ. The mapping between the musical input (MI) and the musical output (MO) is governed by three constraints, ID-ASSOC, *PROSST, and MAX-PROSST, as illustrated in tableaux (69-70), where the optimal outputs preserve the musical beat association but remove the constructions of the prosodic word. 45. DOI:10.6814/NCCU202001428.

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