荷蘭的中國政策：關係平衡 - 政大學術集成

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(1) . 國立政治大學亞太研究英語碩士學位學程 International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies College of Social Sciences National Chengchi University 碩士論文 Master’s Thesis. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. 論文題目. Dutch Foreign Policy towards China er. io. sit. y. Nat. a. n. iv l C a Relationship Balancing n U h. engchi. Student: Koenraad Hulsker Advisors: Lu Yeh-Chung & Huang Chiung-Chiu. 中華民國 104 年 7 月 July, 2015. .

(2) . 論文題目 Dutch Foreign Policy towards China Balancing a Relationship 研究生：胡凱瑞 Student: Koenraad Hulsker 指導教授：盧業中 & 黃瓊萩 Advisors: Lu Yeh-Chung & Huang Chiung-Chiu. 政治大. 立國立政治大學 ‧ 國. 學. 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程. ‧. n. al. y. er. io. sit. Nat. 碩士論文 Ch. Ae nThesis gchi. i Un. v. Submitted to International Master’s Program in Asia-Pacific Studies National Chengchi University In partial fulfillment of the Requirement For the degree of Master in China Studies. 中華民國 104 年 7 月 July, 2015 . ii .

(3) . TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Dutch Foreign Policy ......................................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Dutch Foreign Policy towards China ......................................................................................... 11 Chapter 2 Reconsidering Mainstream Theories & Beyond ............................................ 14 2.1 Neorealism ......................................................................................................................................... 14 2.1.1 The characteristics of states .................................................................................................................. 15 2.1.2 Balance of power ........................................................................................................................................ 17 2.2 Neoliberalism .................................................................................................................................... 18 2.3 Constructivism .................................................................................................................................. 19 2.4 Relational Theory ............................................................................................................................ 20 2.5 Balance of Relationship ................................................................................................................. 22 2.5.1 State of nature: anarchy and harmony .............................................................................................. 24 2.5.2 Role of actors ................................................................................................................................................ 26 2.5.3 Theoretical propositions ......................................................................................................................... 28 2.5.3.1 Self-restraint ............................................................................................................................................................. 29 2.5.3.2 Symbolic sanctions ................................................................................................................................................. 30 政治大 2.6 Research Question ........................................................................................................................... 30 立 2.7 Hypothesis .......................................................................................................................................... 34 . ‧. ‧ 國. 學. Chapter 3 Methodology .............................................................................................................. 35 3.1 Case study ........................................................................................................................................... 35 3.2 Analytical Framework .................................................................................................................... 38 . n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. Chapter 4 The Netherlands & the People's Republic of China ....................................... 42 4.1 The Beginning ................................................................................................................................... 42 4.1.1 The welder incident ................................................................................................................................... 44 4.1.2 The recognition of the PRC ..................................................................................................................... 47 a l(1980 -‐ 1984) .......................................................................... 4.2 Case 1 -‐ The Submarine Crisis 51 iv n C 4.2.1 The deal .......................................................................................................................................................... 52 hengchi U 4.2.2 The reaction .................................................................................................................................................. 55 4.2.3 Normalization .............................................................................................................................................. 58 4.3 Case 2 -‐ June Fourth Incident (1989 -‐ 1991) ........................................................................... 59 4.3.1 The massacre ................................................................................................................................................ 60 4.3.2 The reaction .................................................................................................................................................. 64 4.4 Case 3 -‐ China's Negligence (1990 -‐ 1992) ............................................................................... 70 4.4.1 Restoring the balance ............................................................................................................................... 75 4.5 Case 4 -‐ Van Mierlo's Moralism (1997-‐1998) ......................................................................... 77 4.5.1 The moralism ............................................................................................................................................... 78 4.5.2 The response ................................................................................................................................................ 79 4.5.3 The silence ..................................................................................................................................................... 81 4.6 Recent developments ..................................................................................................................... 82 Chapter 5 Case Analysis .............................................................................................................. 85 5.1 Case 1 – The Submarine Crisis (1980 – 1984) ........................................................................ 85 5.1.1 Stability ........................................................................................................................................................... 85 5.1.2 Instability ....................................................................................................................................................... 85 5.1.3 Stabilization .................................................................................................................................................. 86 5.1.4 Instability ....................................................................................................................................................... 87 5.2 Case 2 – June Fourth Incident (1989 -‐ 1991) .......................................................................... 88 5.2.1 Stability ........................................................................................................................................................... 88 . iii .

(4) 5.2.2 Instability ....................................................................................................................................................... 88 5.2.3 Stabilization .................................................................................................................................................. 89 5.3 Case 3 – China’s Negligence (1990 -‐ 1992) .............................................................................. 91 5.3.1 Instability ....................................................................................................................................................... 91 5.3.2 Stabilization .................................................................................................................................................. 92 5.3.3 Stability ........................................................................................................................................................... 93 5.4 Case 4 – Van Mierlo’s Moralism (1997 – 1998) ...................................................................... 93 5.4.1 Stability ........................................................................................................................................................... 93 5.4.2 Instability ....................................................................................................................................................... 94 5.4.3 Stabilization .................................................................................................................................................. 94 . Chapter 6 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 95 References ....................................................................................................................................... 98 . 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. . Ch. engchi. iv . i Un. v.

(5) . List of Tables and Figures Figure 1. Illustration of analytical model BoR………………………………..38. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat. al. . Ch. engchi. v . i Un. v.

(6) . Chapter 1 Introduction to Dutch Foreign Policy Although many analysts have argued that the foreign policy of the Netherlands is to be explained by realism, there are many inconsistencies to be found in the interactions between the Netherlands and other states that the traditional theories of international relations fail to explain. One inconsistency is that despite the fact that the Netherlands attained a more active and interventionist role as a loyal ally to the United States and ardent defender of international law and human rights after the Second World War, it has. 政治大. persistently applied its moral judgment 立 inconsistently. An example of this is, what some. ‧ 國. 學. observers might call, the opportunistic fickleness of the Dutch towards China. Now some. ‧. might argue that this inconsistency very much fits the general principles of realism, but. io. sit. y. Nat. there are also inconsistencies to be found that deny these. Namely, the Netherlands has. er. been willing to give up its direct national interest to restore its relationship with the. al. n. iv n C h e n g crefusing People's Republic of China by, for example, h i U to conduct arms trade with the Republic of China while this was highly profitable at the time. This master thesis will apply the Balance of Relationship theory brought forward by Shih and Huang (2014, n.d., in press) and Huang (2015) and test its propositions in order to explain why these inconsistencies in Dutch foreign policy have taken place within the now 43 years of official diplomatic relations. Although the Balance of Relationship is a materialist theory, it fundamentally differs from its traditional counterpart the Balance of Power. The fundamental difference lies in the way how it perceives anarchy, namely not as an inevitable structure of the. 1 .

(7) international system, but as a hypothetical condition of maximum insecurity regarding the behavior of others. It argues that states seek to minimize this insecurity by improving their relational security, and therefore can also be considered a relational theory 1 . Furthermore, the BoR focuses on the process of foreign policy construction. Because of this, the BoR is a dynamic theory that allows for the explanation of change in the international system and change in foreign policy orientation. Given the propositions of the Balance of Relationship, it will be hypothesized that the Dutch foreign policy towards China is aimed at stabilizing the relationship with China when instability occurs, through on the one hand applying self-restraint in the form of ontological tolerance and in the. 政治. form of the yielding of its direct national interest,大 or on the other hand the use of. 立. ‧ 國. 學. symbolic sanctions. This implies that the Netherlands' approach to China is inherently incoherent with its own values and will sometimes, if necessary, give up its own direct. ‧ sit. y. Nat. national interest to stabilize its relationship.. er. io. The arrangement of the chapters in this master thesis will be as follows. After. n. a. v. discussing the discourse of Dutch lforeign policy and the n i Dutch foreign policy towards C. hengchi U. China in particular, an overview of the most important theories of the discourse of international relations will be brought forward in Chapter two. After introducing the main tenets of neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism, we will shine our light on the more recently developed relational theories, which special attention to the Balance of Relations theory. After this elaboration it will be argued that the latter offers the best lens for answering the questions that are reased in this thesis. Chapter three will explain the methodology of the research, justify the use of the theory, methods, level of analysis, 1. In Chapter 3 the definitions of a materialist and relational theory will be explained.. 2 .

(8) hypotheses, and data collection, with the purpose of making this research falsifiable and to provide a framework for potential repetition. Chapter four is a major part of this thesis, since here a descriptive chronology of the relations between the Netherlands and the People's Republic of China will be presented, including all four cases that will be analyzed. In statistical terms this could be considered the data that will be used to test our hypotheses. In Chapter five the framework of the theory will be tested according to the data from chapter five, after which the hypotheses will be verified or falsified for each case. Chapter six concludes the thesis, giving a short review of the aims and questions that were raised in the thesis and whether or not the process and the results can be considered fruitful.. 立. 政治大. ‧ 國. 學. We will discuss two discourses, namely the literature that forms the discourse of Dutch foreign policy, and the literature that revolves around the Dutch China policy. ‧. sit. y. Nat. specifically. In order to provide a comprehensive and informative review, in both cases. n. al. er. io. the most distinguished works will be elaborated on, after which also other notable literature will be mentioned.. Ch. engchi. i Un. v. 1.1 Dutch Foreign Policy Small member states of the European Union exert little influence on the international system. Also in the tradition of realism, it is stated that the most influential countries in the international system are the ones with the biggest capacity (Waltz, 1979). So is Dutch foreign policy significant? Does the Netherlands even need its own foreign policy? Will the Netherlands still have its own foreign policy when the integration of policy in the European Union nears completion? These are questions that are very. 3 .

(9) relevant today for researchers and policy-makers involved in the decision-making process of Dutch foreign policy (van Ham & van Schaik, 2012). The Dutch government itself states that its foreign policy is based on four pillars, namely the integration of the national foreign policy with the European Union, the maintenance of the relations with neighboring countries, the security of European safety and stability and the participation in conflict management and peacekeeping missions. These standpoints portay an image. The most important institution where the role of the Netherlands in the. 政治. international system and the development of Dutch foreign 大 policy is being researched is. 立. ‧ 國. 學. the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael (Het Nederlands Instituut voor Internationale Betrekkingen Clingendael) in the Hague. This is the leading. ‧. y. International. Relations. sit. of. (Egmont-Koninklijk. n. a. er. Institute. io. Royal. Nat. independent think tank that in cooperation with the chief Belgian think tank EgmontInstituut. voor. v. l C the monthly academic Internationale Betrekkingen) publishes magazine Internationale ni hengchi U. Spectator covering the most recent developments in international affairs. Also, the institute provides courses for Dutch and international diplomats. A significant amount of the domestic academic literature regarding Dutch foreign policy is either published by researchers at or related to the Clingendael Institute. Some comprehensive works on Dutch foreign policy are The Role of the Netherlands in World Politics and The Netherlands in the World both written by D.A. Hellema (2009, 2010). He has published extensively on Dutch foreign policy and international relations after the Second World War.. 4 .

(10) In The Role of the Netherlands in World Politics Hellema (2009) starts the discussion by claiming that in the history of Dutch foreign policy analysis, researchers have primarily been focused on the long-term consistencies that characterize Dutch foreign policy. Boogman (1975, 1977), Heldring (1978) and Voorhoeve (1979) all hold the view that the foreign policy of the Netherlands has been determined by several constants or traditions that stem from the era of the Republic2. Although they all present their own slightly different categorizations, these 'constants' are quite similar in character and can be generally referred to as the traditions of neutrality, free trade, an aversion to continental power politics, maritime-commercialism and legalism. According to Hellema. 政治. (2009) these traditions have their origin in the early seventeenth century and influenced 大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Dutch foreign policy well up to the Second World War. He uses these theories as a reference throughout his work and often accompanies his observations with realist. ‧. sit. y. Nat. conclusions. He argues for example that the notion of a continuous tradition of peaceful. er. io. and liberal politics cannot be maintained. He considers the pursuit of neutrality and free. n. a. v. trade as responses to circumstancesl and system : ni C dictated by the international. hengchi U. The Dutch economic interests were often best served by a politics of free trade and neutrality and sometimes there was no alternative. Neutrality and free trade were the goals of a state that for a great part of its history can be characterized as a small, military weak but economically important trading power. But we should guard against the idea that any kind of mentality or moral inclination, which we then proceed to dignify with such terms as neutralism or idealism. (p. 38) 2. The Dutch Republic or the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands (Republiek der Zeven Verenigde Nederlanden) was a confederation from 1581 up until 1795. It preceded the Batavian Republic, the Kingdom of Holland, the United Kingdom of the Netherlands and ultimately the Kingdom of the Netherlands that we know today.. 5 .

(11) . Kossmann (1991) contributed to the discourse with an analysis that is based on a perspective provided by Carr (1939) －British founder of the school of realism － who explained that satisfied powers tend toward a status quo politics: they tend to foster stability, harmony and ideologies that facilitate the status quo. They are thus mainly conservative powers, Carr concludes (Carr, et al., 1939). Kossmann confirms this view. He concludes that in as far as one can speak of any constant or tradition in Dutch foreign politics, it was conservatism (Kossmann, 1991). These constants were, like most things that enjoyed a certain stability up until that. 政治大th point, irriversibly destabilized by the events of the 20 century. Hellema (2009, 2010) 立. ‧ 國. 學. argues that in 1948 and 1949 a new course was embarked upon both politically and. ‧. economically. The Netherlands lost its neutrality politics after the Second World War, as. sit. y. Nat. a consequence of being invaded by Nazi Germany. Neutrality, since the late 1940s was. n. al. er. io. gradually traded for transatlantic partnership, in order to seek security against the. iv. continental European powers, and Cbalance their interests with the Anglo-saxon or Un h. engchi. Atlantic interests. Acceptance of American leadership coincided with Dutch interests, in political, economic and military domains, even though there were still several points of conflict between the Netherlands and the US. But the crucial difference from the pre-war Dutch foreign policy was the fact that the Netherlands, after 1948, adopted a much more active stance and did this within multilateral contexts such as the OEEC, NATO and the European communities. Kieviet (2011) provides an analysis of the role of the Netherlands within the multilateral context of the United Nations Security Council from 1946 to 2000, using. 6 .

(12) Holsti's theory of national role conceptions (Holsti, 1970). His conclusion basically confirms the observations of Hellema (2001, 2009, 2010), namely that after the Second World War, the Netherlands left their neutrality politics behind and fulfilled the role of a trustworthy ally of the United States and the role of a defender of international institutions and human rights. If we look back at the 'constants' that colored Dutch foreign policy before the Second World War, we can see that in contrast to neutrality, the tradition of free trade and the pursuit of liberalization of international trade continued after the Second World War. The contemporary implementation of this aspiration can be found in the unyielding. 政治. Dutch support towards the creation of a common market 大as part of European integration.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Especially true for smaller states, foreign policy often comes down to adaptation, based on the assumption that states normally pursue a rational defense and promotion of. ‧. sit. y. Nat. their national interests. According to the tradition of power realism, those national. er. io. interests consist of economic interests and the optimizing of military security and. n. a. v. l C Hellema (2001, political influence. At the same time, n i 2009, 2010) and others (e.g. hengchi U. Kieviet, 2011; Baehr, 1989) recognize that foreign policy can sometimes deviate from such rational meanings. In the early 1950s there was what Hellema describes as a regressive deviation, and in the 1970s a progressive deviation from rational materialism. In both phases, it was concluded in the circles of trade and industry that some aspects of foreign policy were not trumped by the national interest and were threatening to damage Dutch economic interests.. 7 .

(13) In the early 1950s this pertains to the fact that the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indonesia3 became a matter of principle and prestige instead of national interest. The police action of December 1948 was motivated by obsolete conceptions and sentiments and no longer served any actual interests. This police action led to the total isolation of the Netherlands in the international community. Patijn wrote, "The Netherlands had the honor of being one of the first states to be condemned by the UN Security Council" (1970, p. 14). The period that followed was characterized by confusion, uncertainty and frustration over the loss of empire and the new role and status of the Netherlands in the post-war world. It took the Dutch. 政治. government five years to submit to the new post-war大 reality of being a small state. For. 立. ‧ 國. 學. over five years there was no sign of new foreign policy, while so many urged to adapt already immediately after the war (Hellema, 2011, p. 123).. ‧. sit. y. Nat. In the 1970s, the progressive deviation from rational materialism pertains to the. er. io. internal, domestic democratic influence on foreign policy. During this period the radical. n. a. v. i foreign policy of development aid, lwhich sharing prosperity C was aimed atninternationally hengchi U. and wealth and the emancipation of the poor, conducted under the Den Uyl government, can be seen as an idealistic product of domestic political influence, and in conflict with what realists would argue to be national interests. It was an example of 'internalization' of foreign policy, according to Van Staden (1991). A Ministry of Development Aid was established, and during this period, the expenses of Dutch development aid increased from a total amount of 1150 to almost 3000 million guilders, almost a threefold increase.. 3. The Republic of Indonesia was a federal state of the United States of Indonesia, established on 27 December 1949. The territory of the state included parts of Java and most of Sumatra. The republic already dissolved on 17 August 1950 with the establishment of a unitary state for all of Indonesia.. 8 .

(14) Finally Hellema (2011) argues that towards the end of the millennium there appears to have been a growing uncertainty in Dutch foreign policy, which partly translates to arguments for short-term (or even short-sighted) pragmatism and selfinterest. Next to these comprehensive books on Dutch foreign policy, there are quite some issue-oriented analyses of the foreign policy of the Netherlands. A structural analysis of the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy during the last quarter century can be found in the book Human Rights in the Foreign Policy of the Netherlands by Baehr, Castermans-Holleman, and Grünfeld (2002). This proved to be very useful for the. 政治. narrative on the Tiananmen crisis in 1989, since it meticulously treats the Dutch reaction 大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. to the human rights violations at that time, and discusses fundamental questions regarding the contradictions between moralism, practical selectivism and national interest.. ‧. sit. y. Nat. Also, an incredibly detailed evaluation of the influence of domestic factors on. er. io. Dutch foreign policy can be found in the book Controversies at Home: Domestic Factors. n. a. v. l C written by P.P. in the Foreign Policy of the Netherlands n i Everts (1985). Here, foreign hengchi U. policy issues are systematically analysed with special regard to policy intentions, actions and effects. The relevance of this book for this thesis are the chapters regarding the trade of Dutch submarines with Taiwan during the early 1980s. Other works that shed light on Dutch foreign policy in English are Peace, profits and principles: a study of Dutch foreign policy (M. Nijhoff, 1979), The Foreign Policy of the Netherlands by Leurdijk (1978), International Law in the Netherlands: Vol. III' by Van Panhuys (1964), Aloofness and Neutrality: Studies on Dutch Foreign Relations and Policy-Making Institutions by Wels (1982), The Economy and Politics of the Netherlands. 9 .

(15) Since 1945 by Griffiths (1980) and the more recently published work Dutch Foreign Policy Since 1815: A Study in Small Power Politics by A. Vandenbosch (2012).. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. 10 . i Un. v.

(16) . 1.2 Dutch Foreign Policy towards China The bilateral relations between China and the Netherlands has primarily been documented in a descriptive fashion. The most prominent works describing the relations between the Netherlands and China are De Dans van de Leeuw en de Draak by Van der Heijden (2009) and China en de Nederlanders by Blussé and van Luyn (2008). These works are fairly recently published, and provide a comprehensive historical account between the interactions of the Netherlands and China. Tribuut aan China, Vier eeuwen Nederlands-Chinese betrekkingen by L. Blussé (1989) is a contribution that describes the historical development of Sino-Dutch relations, with specific attention for the Chinese. 政治大 diaspora in Indonesia. The book was assigned by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 立. ‧ 國. 學. preparation for the visit of Queen Beatrix and Prince Claus to China in 1989, a trip that. ‧. would later be cancelled due to the political instability.. sit. y. Nat. Beside these comprehensive historical accounts on Sino-Dutch relations, theses in. n. al. er. io. English are plentiful: e.g. the doctoral thesis of Van der Putten (2001) Corporate. iv. Ch Behaviour and Political Risk, Dutch Companies in China U n 1903-1941, A critical Survey of engchi. Studies on Dutch Colonial History by Coolhaas (2013) and Nederland en de opkomst van het moderne imperialisme, kolonien en buitenlandse politiek by M. Kuitenbrouwer (1985). The book already mentioned earlier, Controversies at home: Domestic factors in the foreign policy of the Netherlands (Everts, 1985) contains very detailed information about the submarine crisis of 1981 between the Netherlands and China. The relationship between China and the Netherlands and Dutch foreign policy in general also started to become a widely discussed topic among the general public since the 1970s. NGO's, newspapers, magazines, journalist, writers, columnists, artists and. 11 .

(17) civilians have produced large amount of opinion articles that usually offer a critique towards China's human rights violations and the seemingly incongruent passive reaction of the Netherlands. One of the recurring arguments here is that the Netherlands does not emphasize its position on human rights enough towards China. Several analyses of Dutch foreign policy towards China with regard to human rights violations in China have concluded that Dutch foreign policy is inconsistent with the role that it portrays to play in the international community (e.g. van der Heijden, 2009; Baehr, 1989; Kieviet, 2011). According to Castermans and Baehr (2002) the Netherlands ought to stand on the front line of defending human rights in the international system, given its reputation. They. 政治. reckon that in a time of new international coalitions大 and an alliance against terrorism. 立. ‧ 國. 學. where also China is siding with the Americans, the attention for human rights violations seems to fade away. This, however, is unacceptable for the Netherlands, that should. ‧. sit. y. Nat. continue to initiate plans and pressure to battle human rights violations in China, they. er. io. argue (p. 199-205). Especially since China seems to be resistant against multilateral. n. a. v. l CNations, the ministries initiatives coming from the United of the Netherlands should ni hengchi U. synchronize their policy to bilaterally emphasize human rights violations. Also Verweij (2014) concludes that Dutch decision-making towards China has mostly been decided by the wallet, instead of moral imperatives. This leads researchers to conclude that realism is applicable for the analysis of Dutch foreign policy towards China, because the economic national interests trump human rights (Verweij, 2014; Castermans & Baerh, 2002). Not referring to realism, but offering a critique on the matter, Van der Heijden (2009) writes in her final verdict on Sino-Dutch relations that. 12 .

(18) four centuries of trading contact have led to the realization that pressure and force doesn't lead to a balanced relationship (p. 149). This aggregate of literature on Dutch foreign policy and Dutch China policy forms the backbone of the data that will be laid out in chapter five. Here the historical development of the relation between the Netherlands and the People's Republic of China will be explored, including the four cases that will be under scrutiny. These four cases, namely the Submarine Crisis (1981-1984);. the June Fourth Incident (1989-1991);. China's Negligence (1991-1992); and Van Mierlo's Moralism (1997-1998) together form the most important destabilizing events in the relationship between the Netherlands and the People's Republic of China.. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. 13 . i Un. v.

(19) . Chapter 2 Reconsidering Mainstream Theories & Beyond 2.1 Neorealism A prince… cannot observe all those things for which men are considered good, for in order to maintain the state he is often obliged to act against his promise, against charity, against humanity, and against religion. And therefore, it is necessary that he have a mind ready to turn itself according to the way the winds of fortune and the changeability of [political] affairs require… as long as it is. 治. 政the good, but大he should know how to enter into possible, he should not stray from. 立. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. evil when necessity commands. (Machiavelli, 1984, p. 59-60). Realism is still considered to be the most dominant and influential theory in. sit. y. Nat. er. io. international relations. The theory is generally characterized by the pessimistic view that. n. v every state has to rely on itself in aorder in an anarchic world of l to secure its ownn isurvival Ch. engchi U. selfish actors. States are the main actors, and in order to survive they try to maximize their national security. Realism did not appear as a discipline of international relations before the Second World War, but the fundamental assumptions that form the bases of the theory can be found in early political and philosophical texts. Bellum omnium contra omnes, the war of all against all, as Thomas Hobbes described it in his thought. 14 .

(20) experiment of the state of nature, which became one of the foundational principles of realism (Hobbes, 1651). 4 Central to the Hobbesian state of nature stands that the cause of action for humans is fear. Consequently realism appropriates this characteristic to states. States base their actions on fear, the fear that external powers will challenge their survival. The thousands year old phrase “the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must" provided by Thucydides is an assumption of international relations that is still central to realist theory. The Theory of International Politics by Waltz (1979) is considered to be one of. 政治. the most important contributions to the neorealist discourse (Hollis & Smith, 1990). 大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. Neorealism can be argued to be a more structured form of realism, Waltz himself also used the phrase 'structural realism' to describe his own theory. Waltz (1979), much like. ‧. sit. y. Nat. the foundation of realism in general, argues that the international system is characterized. er. io. by anarchy and decentralized organization. This means that unlike the internal structure. n. a. v. l C in the international of a domestic political system, actors n i system are equal and are not hengchi U. controlled by a higher authority. This is because the decisions are made by the political units in the international system (states) and not by a central government (Waltz, 1979). 2.1.1 The characteristics of states In the international system states are the most important political units (Waltz, 1979). In this anarchic order states all have the same function, and all have the same goal. 4. The concept of the 'state of nature' is not only a fundamental principle of the IR school of realism, but also an important concept in political philosophy that Hobbes developed to answer fundamental questions about morality, the nature of of authority and social contracts.. 15 .

(21) of survival. This is because the survival of the state is the primary necessity to reach other goals in the international system. States are shaping the structure of the international system. The criticism towards this statement was mainly twofold. First of all was argued that states are not the only important actors in the international system. Also has been argued, that the relevance of states is diminishing. According to Waltz there indeed are different actors involved, but he claims that by far the most important role in the international system is played by states. States give form to the structure of the international system, while other actors participate in the processes within the structure. Waltz claims that although more. 政治. transnational actors are on the rise, states will remain 大 the most important actors in. 立. ‧ 國. 學. international relations.. Neorealism doesn't differentiate economic factors from the survival of the state,. ‧. sit. y. Nat. which is the primary goal. Liberals view economic factors as very important but. er. io. according to Waltz (1979) economic, military and political means are very much. n. a. v. i the end states will use these l C interconnected which makes differentiation redundant.n In economic means for their survival.. hengchi U. Although political units are similar in essence, they differ in capacity. States with the largest amount of means are the most important actors in the international system. Big powers give the most shape to the international system. According to Waltz (1979) and Mearsheimer (2001) one can determine whether or not a state can be considered a big power by accumulating the total capacity of states. When one assumes that survival is the core interest of states, security obviously plays an important role in the foreign policy that a state applies. Also, the security of a. 16 .

(22) state is not guaranteed by any other authority than the state itself. The decentralized and anarchic character of the international system forces states to fight for themselves. Mearsheimer (2001) puts the behavior of states in a slightly different perspective and proposes that inherent to the primary goal of survival is the attainment of power. Mearsheimer depicts Waltz's theory as defensive realism, while he considers himself an offensive realist. He argues that states, especially big powers, always develop offensive capabilities to improve their position in the system.. 2.1.2 Balance of power. 治. 政 capture the Both defensive and offensive realism 大behavior of states in the Balance. 立. ‧ 國. 學. of Power. In order to survive, states aim to compensate the difference in capacity with other states. States use means to achieve their goal, and their means can basically be. ‧. divided into internal means and external means. Internally, states can increase their own. sit. y. Nat. er. io. capacity. Externally states can either increase their capacity by forming alliances with. a. n. i v power against a threatening other －often also weaker －states,l in C order to balancentheir hengchi U. power, or alternatively weaken the alliance of the threatening state. In this way the difference in power among states in the system can be balanced through alliances. In this act of balancing, states try to at least maintain, if not improve their position. The Balance of Power theory attempts to explain the result of the international system in a particular moment in time (Waltz, 1979 : p, 119). The theory explains why similar behavior is observed in similar situations. Next to the Balance of Power, which basically argues that states aim to counterweight against a threatening power, states can also chose to avoid being deprived. 17 .

(23) of survival by joining the threatening power when balancing is not possible. This is called bandwagoning (Walt, 1987, p. 21). Walt argues that the weaker a state is, the more likely it will be that it resorts to bandwagoning.. 2.2 Neoliberalism In contradiction to realism, liberal though is rather optimistic and assumes that it is possible for states to engage in mutual cooperation in order to achieve modernization and progress. Also, liberalism emphasizes that next to the state, corporations, organizations and associations influence international relations. Neoliberalism consists of a range of theories that are primarily aimed at治 explaining the causes of peace between. 政. 大. 立 liberalism, republican liberalism, sociological states. The theories of commercial. ‧ 國. 學. liberalism and neoliberal institutionalism are all part of the liberal approach (Baldwin,. ‧. 1993; Jackson & Sørensen, 2012).. Nat. io. sit. y. The primary asset of commercial liberalism is that the chance for peace between. er. states is bigger when there is free a trade and economic interdependence between states.. n. iv l C n U h erelations Republic liberals would argue that the democratic states are more n g c h ibetween peaceful. Democracies will also come into conflict with other states, but these states will be nondemocratic. When democracies are forced to choose in a conflict situation, the democratic states will choose the same side (Doyle, 1983). Sociological liberalism links transnational interaction and international integration. Because of interaction states will be more likely to integrate. Because of integration the distrust will be reduced and the relationship will be better. Neoliberal institutionalists argue that the interaction between states is more structured because of international institutions. Institutions can help to alleviate problems concerning the lack of trust between states and they help to reduce the. 18 .

(24) fear and distrust among states. Here, neoliberal institutionalists have the same assumption as neorealism, namely that states essentially are in a battle for survival and distrust each other. This distrust and battle for survival could turn into conflict, but international institutions will help to reduce the chance for conflict. These neoliberal theories primarily try to explain the causes of peace and peaceful relationships between states. Cooperation between states is argued to be affected by the influence of international institutions.. 2.3 Constructivism Adler (1997) claims that constructivism 治 seizes the middle ground between. 政. 大. rational materialist theories and立interpretative idealistic theories. Adler made this. ‧ 國. 學. distinction between rational materialist theories and interpretative idealistic theories,. ‧. where neorealism and neoliberalism constitute the former and postmodernism and. Nat. io. sit. y. poststructuralism constitute the latter. A different interpretation is given by A. Wendt. er. (1992), who describes constructivism a also as an interpretative theory, while Adler (1997). n. iv l C n e nhis argues that constructivism, as the titlehof h i U might suggest, takes elements of g carticle rational theory and idealistic theory to understand political reality (p. 319-363).. Although ideas also play a role in neoliberal theory, this role is confined by the structure of the international system. Since neorealists and neoliberalists argue that the international system is shaped by anarchy (Waltz, 1979; Mearsheimer, 2001), ideas don't play a role in the construction of the international system itself. Wendt (1992) however elevates the role of idea's in international politics by arguing that anarchy is only an idea, “Anarchy is what states make of it". By doing this, Wendt rejects the neorealist assumption that anarchy necessarily leads to self-help. It is helpful to emphasize the. 19 .

(25) contrast between a materialist view, usually held by neorealists and neoliberals, and an ideational view held by constructivists. The materialist view stands for the view that power and national interest are the driving forces in the international system. Here, power is ultimately signified by military capabilities, supported by economic resources. On the other hand, for the ideational view ideas matter, "The starting premise is that the material world is indeterminate and is interpreted within a larger context of meaning" (Jackson & Sørensen, p. 213). While being applied in international relations, constructivism is inspired by philosophical and sociological theoretical developments. A. Giddens (1984) brought. 政治. forward the concept of “structuration” as a way of analyzing the relationship between 大. 立. ‧ 國. 學. structures and actors. Giddens argued that structures do not necessarily determine the behavior of actors, something that neorealists claim with stating that the structure of. ‧. sit. y. Nat. anarchy constraints states. Giddens offers the perspective that structures do constrain and. er. io. enable actors, but that the structure itself is also transformed by the actions of actors. n. a. v. within the structure. This notion of l“structuration” therefore n i brings about a more dynamic C. hengchi U. and less rigid perspective on the relationship between the actor and the structure. These principles helped to inspire new relational theories to be developed in the 1990s.. 2.4 Relational Theory A more recent branch of international relations theory that has catched the attention of students and scholars of international relations is relationalism. Relationalism focusses, as the name clearly indicates, on the relations between states, and takes the 'relation' as the essential foundation of analysis. At the beginning of their article Relations Before States: Substance, Process and the Study of World Politics Jackson & Nexon 20 .

(26) (1999) explain the difference between “substantialism” and “relationism”. Substantialism pertains to the perspective that the essential core of analysis is entities (Emirbayer, 1997). In international relations discourse, especially neorealism this means that 'states' are the essential starting point of analysis. But relationalism, however, puts things in a different perspective. Jackson & Nexon argue that relationalism, “treats configurations of ties between social aggregates of various sorts and their component parts as the building blocks of social analysis" (Tilly, 1996: 2, in Jackson & Nexon, 1997, p. 292). This means that, taking into consideration this dichotomy of substantialism and relationalism, the majority of international relation theory can be considered substantialist. They argue that. 政治. relationalism is primarily concerned with processes, 大 and coin the term processual. 立. ‧ 國. 學. relationalism.. The primary relevance of relational theory is the fact that due to its dynamic. ‧. sit. y. Nat. approach it can be used to explain change. For substantialist theories this is a problem;. er. io. the relations are here seen as an action, a result or a product of a state, but will not. n. a. v. inherently change the essence of lthe makes change difficult to ni C state: "Substantialism. hengchi U. explain" (Jackson & Nexon, 1997, p. 296)5. Also other relational-based approaches have been developed (e.g. Qin, 2009; Hafner-Burton et al., 2009). The theory that will be discussed now is the Balance of Relationship theory.. 5. The book 'Process Metaphysics: An Introduction to Process Philosophy' by Rescher (1996) articulates the philosophical basis for this argument.. 21 .

(27) . 2.5 Balance of Relationship The Balance of Relationship theory, as brought forward by Shih & Huang (n.d., 2014, in press) and Huang (2015), can also be considered to be a relational theory because it, in contradiction to substantialist theories, doesn't treat the concept of 'relationship' as a tool (of primarily states) but as the core tenet of the analysis. The BoR views international relations as a primarily bilateral process through which states attempt to stabilize long-term reciprocal relationships with each other. Although the BoR is relational, it can also be considered to be a materialist theory, because it recognized the neorealist claim that states are trying to maximize their. 政治. 大 however, by balancing their national interests. The BoR argues that they do this,. 立. ‧ 國. 學. relationships and not necessarily with self-help. The purpose of this is to reduce. ‧. uncertainty about the international system, based on the rationale that a condition of. n. al. er. io. desirable to secure national interests in the long run.. sit. y. Nat. minimal insecurity in the international system offers a context that is rationally most. iv. n interaction between states, and It is a theory that focuses onCthe h process of Uthe engchi. explains how apparent inconsistencies and choices that at first glance might seem irrational according to the framework of realism, can very well be the result of careful consideration by policymakers (Shih & Huang, in press; Huang, 2015). But why is it important to analyze apparent inconsistencies? And why is this important for the analysis of the Dutch foreign policy towards China? In the end, realists would argue, the Dutch foreign policy is confined by the structure of the international system. So what is the value of relationalism in international relations, and what is the. 22 .

(28) value of applying the Balance of Relation theory in the analysis of Dutch foreign policy towards China? First of all, the bilateral foreign policy of the Netherlands towards China defies the very core assumption of realism, because it is not based on fear. The survival of the state has never been directly threatened by China, and its foreign policy has never expressed such considerations. Secondly, ignoring the processes that form the foreign policy makes it hard to explain questions that involve change. Why did the Netherlands stop openly criticizing China's human rights violations after 1997? And why did the Netherlands stop the very. 政治. beneficial trade with Taiwan after 1981? It is necessary 大 to dive into the processes that. 立. ‧ 國. 學. constructed the foreign policy to be able to answer these questions. Saying that the foreign policy of the Netherlands is constrained and dictated by. ‧. sit. y. Nat. the international system, is similar to what Jackson & Nexon argue to be “a common. er. io. substantialist solution to the change problem, namely the utilization of a 'punctuated. n. a. v. l Cargue that in thisn imodel, change in units occurs equilibrium model" (p. 298). They hengchi U. suddenly through the kick of exogenous change which leads to a flurry of radically new forms. But having to resort to exogenous change is an often unsatisfying explanation. Indeed, many theorists who draw upon this metaphor seem to use instead of an explanation: We suspect that in many instances if analysts looked closely enough at processes of change they might discover that their 'exogenous' shocks are really not all that exogenous after all (p. 298). . 23 .

(29) 2.5.1 State of nature: anarchy and harmony Hobbes's England had experienced political revolution and religious conflict of such intensity as to draw a whole society to the edge of nothingness. So dramatic had been the suddenness with which England had been plunged into war and revolution, so great had been the devastation, and so bitter had been the enmities that for the next three centuries and more English politics was conducted on the unwritten premise that history ought not be allowed to repeat itself. This experience with the political void inspired one of the most important conceptions of the political thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, that of 'the. 政治. state of nature', the condition of political nothingness 大 (Wolin, 2009, p. 218).. 立. ‧ 國. 學. The title of this paragraph ought not to be confused with the more conventional. ‧. sit. y. Nat. dichotomy of anarchy and hierarchy in e.g. Hierarchy in International Relations by D.. er. io. Lake (1996), where the central idea is that powerful states build an order that weaker. n. a. v. i l C states submit to. Instead, here anarchy is equated nwith a condition of maximum hengchi U. insecurity, and harmony with a condition of minimal insecurity about the international system. Similar to materialist theories the Balance of Relationship recognizes that the core interests of states are survival, independence and security. However, it emphasizes that the core assumption of realism regarding the behavior of states that result from these interests, namely that this selfcentered fight for survival expresses itself in an international system of anarchy, is merely hypothetical. This is different from realism,. 24 .

(30) that operates under the assumption that anarchy is an inevitable condition of the system that states can merely accept. Discussing this difference guides us back to how we interpret the Hobbesian state of nature. In assuming anarchy as an inevitable condition, in which fear and insecurity dominate the motives for action among actors, realism takes the Hobbesian state of nature quite literally, imposing it on reality as a permanent and undeniable force. The Balance of Relationship however, does not take anarchy as an immovable structure but rather as an undesirable condition that rational actors are to overcome if they were to secure their national interests in the long run (Huang & Shi, 2014, p. 19). Indeed, the state of nature in. 政治. which anarchy permanently reigns free equates a state大of maximum insecurity about the. 立. ‧ 國. 學. system, a plight that Hobbes found himself in, but in most cases is merely hypothetical (Smith, 2006). It is hypothetical, because in reality states do possess a certain degree of. ‧. sit. y. Nat. relational security and rarely take survival as the goal of foreign policy decision-making. er. io. (Shih & Huang, in press). But according to the BoR, even in the case that a nation comes. n. a. v. l C it will naturallyn i seek to improve its position by close to a state of maximum insecurity, hengchi U. engaging in relational security with others.. Shih and Huang (in press) argue that if anarchy is a system of nature in which the isolated state is forced to adopt a self-help strategy, harmony should be anarchy's antithesis, a system of nature in which states adopt self-restraint to avoid the disruption of reciprocal relationships (p. 7). Just as the ideal type of an anarchic system is hypothetical, so is the harmonic system. They are each other’s counterparts: Under BoR, BoP only takes place when a reciprocal bilateral relationship is not enforceable. On the other hand, the reciprocal bilateral relationship is the solution. 25 .

(31) to cases whereby nations subscribing to BoP fail to control anarchy. The two systems necessarily switch in cycles (Shih & Huang, in press, p. 35) The Balance of Relationship focuses on the process of stabilizing a relationship, and sees the disruption of a relationship not necessarily as anarchic, disastrous or permanent, but rather as a temporary turbulence that is an inherent part of having a relationship. From time to time it is healthy if it clarifies one’s intention to the other side or suggests the preferred direction for restoration of the relationship (Shih & Huang, in press, p. 13). The instrument that states use to manipulate these temporary turbulences is the policy that they apply towards the other state. 治. 立. . 政. 大. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. 2.5.2 Role of actors An important asset of the Balance of Relationship is that the degree to which a. Nat. io. sit. y. relationship is disturbed, or the degree to which a state is threatening towards another. n. al. er. state is not determined by structural constraints, but rather based on the judgment of. i Un. Ch. v. individuals involved in policymaking. So e ninstead g c h i of an existential fear or deep and unconditional insecurity, the policy of a state towards another state is based on the attempt to comprehend the situation: the evaluation of the mutual relationship, the feedback received from the other state, and the context of the international system in which the state finds itself. Also, as a consequence, this means that judgment might be different for every different individual: "Different leaderships may arrive at different judgments under similar conditions" (Huang & Shi, 2014). Here, I want to argue that the actors that are involved can basically be divided in two types. First of all, there are the 'decision-making actors'. These are the actors that. 26 .

(32) determine the position of their state through observation. This pertains to their position in the international system in general, but also to their position with regard to the 'other' decision-making actor on the other end of the bilateral relationship. The other type of actors are the 'informing actors'. These are actors that have no direct influence in the decision-making process of foreign policy, but help the decision-making actors to reach a judgement about the character of the international system and their position in it. From the perspective of the decision-making actor, informing actors can be considered the 'media' through which they, by empirical data-gathering, try to construct an image about the international system and their position in it that best reflects the reality of the. 政治. situation, upon which they can formulate policy 大 that is best suited to it. If the. 立. ‧ 國. 學. international system would be a pitch dark room, the informing actors would function as the senses of the decision-making actor, making it able to grope, and not bump its head. ‧. sit. y. Nat. against a low-hanging lamp. These two type of actors are not necessarily mutually. er. io. exclusive, nor necessarily mutually inclusive. A Minister of Foreign Affairs is one of the. n. a. v. i principal decision-making actors inl the and also, through direct C foreign policy nprocess, hengchi U. relations an important 'informing actor'. Parliamentarians, although they sometimes play an important role as decision-making actor, often have less access to direct information regarding the character of the international system and are more dependent on pure informing actors, like the media, or civil society in order to come to a conclusion. This pertains to what Jackson & Nexon call the 'agent-structure' problem. Agent-structure problems are concerned with the causal or constitutive relationship between individual actors and aggregate social forces. They draw on the work of Giddens (1984) for the answer:. 27 .

(33) Agents and structures are 'mutually constitutive', meaning that they are not causally linked but co-determined －agents instantiate structures through their actions, even as those structures simultaneously constrain and enable agency (Jackson & Nexon, 1999, p. 295).. This means that the use of the word 'state' is necessarily simplifying its true meaning, and its connection to the international system. So when in the propositions below the word 'state' is used, this refers to the decision-making actors of that state. 2.5.3 Theoretical propositions 政治大 After judging the reality of the立situation, Shi and Huang (in press) argue that in order. ‧ 國. 學. to balance, or stabilize a relationship, a state can have three responses to a perceived. ‧. problem in a bilateral relationship:. y. Nat. er. io. sit. 1) If a state perceives itself to be the culprit that caused the problem in the. n. relationship, or at least realizes in order to restore a that it should take responsibility v. l C ni U h i to compensate or yield, in order to e n g ctohtry the relation, the state will make policy enable to other side to return to the long-term calculus of a stable relationship.. 2) If a state perceives the problem in the relationship to be too threatening, it will break the relationship and start again. In order to do credit to one's commitment to the original relationship one should break up to start anew when the situation is perceived as too threatening. 3) If a state perceives the problem in the relationship to be solvable but caused by the other state, it will base their policy on a mix of punishment and reward. Because one wants to avoid the embarrassment that neither one-sided concession. 28 .

(34) nor unilateral sanctions is effective, a state should resort to a mix of punishment and reward to rectify the relationship.. The theory of Balance of Relationship brings forward the concept of ontological tolerance, a term that is used to describe a tolerance towards the way others specify concepts and conceptualize constructs. Also it introduces a concept that is controversial with regard to traditional realist discourse, the yielding of direct national interest. Now, in this thesis it will be argued that these concepts can both be categorized as two types of self-restraint, namely self-restraint as ontological tolerance, and as self-restraint as giving. 政治. up direct national interest in order to secure the stability 大of the relationship.. 立. ‧ 國. 學. 2.5.3.1 Self-restraint. ‧. Shih and Huang (in press) argue that the Balance of Relationship is based on. io. sit. y. Nat. reciprocal tolerance rather than shared values. It explains the limited relevance of. er. differences in ideas, moral concepts and institutions with the rationale that because the. al. n. iv n C h e nstability, primary goal of states is to secure reciprocal g c h i Uthese values can be given up for the sake of long-term stability.. This implies that when a state adheres to a certain set of ideas, it will inconsistently enforce these values facing different countries at different times (p. 16). This makes inconsistency a systematic feature of the Balance of Relationship. Not only can values be readily disregarded, also are states willing to yield apparent and immediate national interests for the preservation of stability. Although states might try to balance and secure direct national interests at the same time, the Balance of Relationship does not necessarily guarantee that the foreign policy is aimed at. 29 .

(35) the immediate acquisition of national interests. This means that the Balance of Relationship is best reflected in situations that BoP analyses might perceive as irrational. 2.5.3.2 Symbolic sanctions Other than self-restraint, the Balance of Relationship also predicts that in order to balance its relationship, states might use symbolic sanctions to restore a reciprocal bilateral relationship regardless of its power relation. This action is not taken to actually destroy the other, but rather to harm the credit of the other state that betrays the relationship. In this way states can give feedback to the other state to inform them that their actions are perceived as destabilizing. Symbolic sanction by the weaker state upon. 政治大. the stronger state is most indicative 立for BoR.. ‧ 國. 學. 2.6 Research Question. ‧. The literature on Dutch foreign policy suggests that the Netherlands have, after. y. Nat. er. io. sit. the Second World War conducted an increasingly active stance in the international. n. community, taking up the role ofadefender of human rights i v and loyal ally of the United l. Ch. States.. n engchi U. Contradictorily, the literature on Dutch Chinese foreign policy indicated that the Netherlands, in the same period, has not taken up this role towards China with an intensity that corresponds with it. The question that arises from this discrepancy is: Why did the Netherlands, at the moment that it was regarded as the most ardent advocate of international law and human rights, not punish China for its human rights violations? On the other hand, the literature on Dutch foreign policy suggested that the Netherlands has become increasingly opportunistic and its policy is generally concluded 30 .

(36) to be realist, balancing its power against the major nations in continental Europe by supporting the United States. If the foreign policy of the Netherlands is, according to realism, based on fear of being dominated by its neighboring powers and seeks to gain direct national interest, naturally the question regarding policy towards China arises: Why did the Netherlands sell arms to Taiwan and then decided to stop selling arms, while a continuation of this trade was highly profitable? As one can see, there are inconsistencies in Dutch foreign policy towards China. This leads to the general research question of this master thesis: How can the inconsistency of Dutch foreign policy towards China be explained?. 政治. After reviewing the most prominent theories of 大international relations, now there. 立. ‧ 國. 學. will be argued that the relational theory of the Balance of Relationship (Shih & Huang, in press) should provide the most suitable framework to answer these questions.. ‧. sit. y. Nat. The three mainstream theories in international relations that were introduced have all. er. io. neglected an important dimension that is crucial to answering these questions, namely the. n. a. v. study of processes and relational lcomplexity (Qin, 2009). n i These theories, neorealism, C. hengchi U. neoliberalism and constructivism are not strong models to explain change and inconsistencies. Rather, they explain similar behavior in similar situations. As has been argued previously, substantialism makes change difficult to explain (Jackson & Nexon, 1997, p. 296). Realism only explains the behavior of states on the level of the international system (Hollis & Smith, 1990). It fails to recognize that international politics is a dialogue of different actors and perspectives and leads us to expect states to behave in certain predictable ways. In order to answer these questions however, we need a theory. 31 .

(37) that is useful for explaining change, irregularities, and inconsistencies in the relations between the Netherlands and China. Concurrently, the other materialist theories, including the concepts of the Balance of Power and bandwagoning are not as suitable for the analyses of Dutch foreign policy towards China, because its basic assumptions are undermined by the political reality of the relation: The Netherlands doesn't base its foreign policy towards China on the fear of being deprived of its security. Hay (2002) argues that neoliberals have trouble to explain the causes of cooperation and conflict between states. Also do neoliberals tend to overestimate the importance of institutions. Although a certain policy might be. 政治. institutionalized, take for instance the existence of Common 大 Security and Defence Policy. 立. ‧ 國. 學. (formerly known as European Security and Defence Policy), European powers still act on their own beliefs or interests (Wivel, 2005), which can be concluded after seeing the. ‧. sit. y. Nat. troops of the United Kingdom invade Iraq in 2003, while France and Germany were. er. io. shaking their heads in disagreement.. n. a. v. i l C security to nreduce In conclusion, applying relational the level of anarchy is a hengchi U. known strategy to all states, and the three aforementioned theories overlook the necessity of relational security as well as the capacity of nations to achieve it. In contrast to these three theories, the Balance of Relationship sees international relations as a dynamic process, that involves judgement. As mentioned previously, it can be considered a materialist theory, since it recognizes the importance of national interest. However, the basic assumptions that explain how policy is constructed and why inconsistency is an inherent element of policy is more suitable for answering the questions asked in this thesis and should be applicable since the Balance of Relationship is retrievable anywhere. 32 .

(38) there is inconsistency or the occurrence of incomprehensible compromise or sanctions (Shih & Huang, in press, p. 16).. 立. 政治大. ‧. ‧ 國. 學. n. er. io. sit. y. Nat al. Ch. engchi. 33 . i Un. v.

(39) . 2.7 Hypothesis When we take the theoretical propositions of the Balance of Relationship elaborated before, and apply these to the Dutch foreign policy towards China, we can come up with a set of general hypotheses that are central to this master thesis. From the general propositions of the theory of the Balance of Relationship that the primary goal of states is to stabilize reciprocal relationships the general hypothesis derived: Hypothesis: The Dutch foreign policy towards China is aimed at stabilizing the relationship when instability occurs. When the destabilization of the relationship is perceived to be caused by itself, the foreign policy will be based on :. 政治. H1: Self-restraint, in the form of ontological大tolerance and/or the yielding of. 立. ‧ 國. 學. national interest. On the other hand, when the destabilization of the relationship is. ‧. perceived to be caused by the other, the foreign policy will be based on :. y. sit. n. al. er. io. help.. Nat. H2: Symbolic sanctions, in the form of a combination of Self-restraint and Self-. Ch. engchi. 34 . i Un. v.

(40) . Chapter 3 Methodology Although meta-analysis has pointed out that still 30% of publications in the field of international relations do not have a clear methodology section (Sprinz, & WolinskyNahmias, 2004), this chapter is included to clarify the methodology of this research. The reason for this is that the provision of a methodology helps to clarify the operationalization of the constructs and variables, is useful for the falsification of the hypotheses and gives a framework for repetition of the research in the future. This is useful, since there always could be relational problems in the future. Also, systematic 政治. 大立 methods of testing can help guard against methodological errors. First the type of analysis. ‧ 國. 學. ‧. Nat. er. io. 3.1 Case study. sit. will be provided together with definitions of the constructs.. y. that will be used in this thesis will be discussed, after which a framework of the variables. n. a. v. l C be applied in this The form of analysis that will n i thesis is a case study analysis. hengchi U. However, it is important to realize that data is composed as a chronological descriptivehistorical narrative. The reason for this is that the total number of potential cases in the entire history of the relations between Netherlands and the People's Republic of China is limited to only 5. In other words, there have been only 5 major relational problems between the Netherlands and China since they met each other. Therefore, the choice has been made to provide an entire historical development of the relations between the Netherlands and the People's Republic of China, in which the case description is. 35 .