• 沒有找到結果。

第六章 結 論

第二節 研究限制與建議

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該事件辯論出一個道理等等,而具有這方面傾向的學生,不是對政治很有興趣,

就是對政治非常沒有興趣,對政治事務的感受也會比較極端,特別在台灣的政治 環境中,政治的意識形態經常淪為選舉的操作手段,這也讓具有批判以及喜歡辯 論傾向的學生,讓人會有不同的感受,也造成親和性人格特質與政治涉入以及政 治活動有較顯著的影響。

第二節 研究限制與建議

本文以人格特質為主軸分析大學生的人格特質、政治涉入以及政治參與的關 係,我們也從大學生的調查資料中得到許多重要的研究資訊及研究結果,然而在 研究過程中也有許多遺憾之處有待日後補充。

大學生的調查資料幫助我們了解這個世代的大學生,他們的人格特質與政治 參與的看法及影響,但是透過大學生的研究結果向外延伸至台灣民眾的人格特質 與政治參與的影響會有困難,因為大學生樣本有其相似的特性存在,一是教育程 度相當,二是年齡接近,三是生活環境較為單純。因為是大學生樣本,所以教育 程度都是高中畢業,並且正在就讀大學的學生們,因為教育程度相當,所以難以 分析教育對人格特質以及政治參與的影響,Campbell(1964)以及 Dalton(2006)在 說明影響投票參與以及抗議活動時,都提到教育程度是影響政治參與相當重要的 因素,並且在相似教育程度所蒐集到的政治涉入資訊的變異程度也較低,

Converse(1972)認為教育程度會以影響個人的政治效能感,所以在大學生的資料 中,政治效能感的變異性會較低,難以展現政治效能感對政治參與的影響;另外 年齡也是另一個將研究結果延伸至台灣選民行為的解釋所遇到的困難之處,不同 年齡層有不同的生命週期階段,這些階段都會影響個人的態度以及人格特質的轉 變,大學生樣本的年紀相仿,生命週期也處在同一階段,因此研究結果難以克服 其他在不同生命週期經歷的個人,對於人格特質、政治涉入與政治參與的想法的 差異;最後是生活環境單純,大學生在畢業之後進入職場或者其他人生規劃,如

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同我們剛才所述的開始經歷人生不同的生命週期,離開校園進入社會之後,會有 很多事情影響他們的政治態度以及人格特質的發展,所以我們同樣難以將大學生 的研究結果擴大解釋至台灣選民,這是想透過本文研究結果去解釋台灣民眾的政 治參與行為解釋的主要限制。

第二個研究限制是投票參與的選舉主題。本文在研究人格特質、政治涉入與 投票參與的關係時,是以2014 年的縣市長選舉作為投票參與的測量,當然在 2012 年時學生也有經歷過全國性的選舉,但是並不是所有學生都在當時具有投票權,

因此最保險的方式就是在2014 年的縣市長選舉進行測量。然而,因為每位學生 的地方首長候選人都不同,因此影響他們是否去投票的原因就會變的比較複雜,

可能是候選人的品德、以及候選人當地的風評及過去執政的經驗等等,導致學生 們對於投票的對象有諸多考量,難以在相同的條件下判斷大學生的投票情況。若 是以全國性選舉進行投票測量,所有學生的投票對象都是同一組時,我們可以更 精確的判斷人格特質對投票對象的影響,而非僅分析人格特質對於投票參與的影 響。

總結來說,人格特質對於政治參與的影響是確定且可行的,透過大學生的人 格特質測量,幫助我們了解該世代年輕人的政治態度,以及學生的人格特質對政 治參與的影響情形。這當中有趣的是我們發現政治興趣不會因政黨黨派不同而有 所影響,也許因為人格特質對於政治興趣的影響更為直接,也讓政治興趣在人格 特質與政治參與之間有更好的解釋效果,另外政治效能感指是個人感受政府的回 應性,所以即使政治效能感很高,代表政府對其要求已經有回應,所以未必會因 此參加抗議活動等這些因素都還是需要我們繼續不斷的去說明解釋個人的政治 參與。雖然台灣目前關於人格特質對於政治參與的研究不多,多數集中在政黨認 同、統獨立場及政治態度的影響較多,近幾年陸續有關於媒體對於政治參與的影 響,開始以不同的角度分析政治參與的影響,因此期待人格特質也能在政治學中 有更多的研究,並且使政治參與的解釋有更多元的方向去分析。

Cronbach's alpha=0.67

Cronbach's alpha=0.7

政治知識

Cronbach's alpha=0.69

政治信任

Cronbach's alpha=0.67

族群認同 在我們社會上,有人說自己是「台灣人」,也有 無重新編碼

7. 100,000~199,999 8. 200,000~299,999 9. 300,000 以上

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為0。

學校類別

(公立/私立) 受訪者學校 公立學校編碼為1,私立

學校編碼為2。

資料來源:陳陸輝(2015)

盛杏湲,2002,〈統獨議題與台灣選民的投票行為〉,《選舉與研究》,9(1): 41-80。

陳陸輝,2000,〈台灣選民政黨認同的持續與變遷〉,《選舉研究》,72(2): 109-141。

陳陸輝,2006,〈政治信任的政治後果—以 2004 年立法委員選舉為例〉,《臺灣 民主季刊》,3(2): 39-61。

陳陸輝,2015,《我國大學生政治社會化的定群追蹤研究》,計畫編號:MOST 100-2628-H-004-084-MY4,台北:科技部補助專題研究計畫(成果報告)。

陳陸輝、陳映男,2016,〈政治情緒對兩岸經貿交流的影響:以臺灣的大學生為

58:101-126

蔡佳泓、陳陸輝,2015,〈中國因素或是公民不服從?從定群追蹤樣本探討太陽 花學運之民意?〉,《人文及社會科學集刊》,27(4): 573-603。

鄭夙芬,2009,〈族群、認同與總統選舉投票抉擇〉,《選舉與研究》,16(2): 23-49。

蕭怡靖與鄭夙芬,2002,〈台灣民眾對左右意識形態的認知:以統獨議題取代左 右意識形態檢測台灣的政黨極化〉,《台灣政治學刊》,18(2): 79-138。

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