高齡化與少子化福利國家與照顧政策：家庭照顧者就業與照顧工作共容與永續發展－新移民家庭照顧者就業與照顧工作共容？(I)

行政院國家科學委員會專題研究計畫 成果報告

高齡化與少子化福利國家與照顧政策：家庭照顧者就業與

照顧工作共容與永續發展--新移民家庭照顧者就業與照顧

工作共容？(III)

研究成果報告(完整版)

計 畫 類 別 ： 整合型 計 畫 編 號 ： NSC 99-2621-M-003-002- 執 行 期 間 ： 99 年 08 月 01 日至 100 年 12 月 31 日 執 行 單 位 ： 國立臺灣師範大學社會工作學研究所 計 畫 主 持 人 ： 潘淑滿 共 同 主 持 人 ： 林津如、楊榮宗 計畫參與人員： 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：李穎姍 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：陳冠伶 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：張凱婷 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：王詩涵 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：吳芝螢 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：謝佩芳 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：張惠慈 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：楊鳳雲 碩士班研究生-兼任助理人員：柯郁真 報 告 附 件 ： 出席國際會議研究心得報告及發表論文 公 開 資 訊 ： 本計畫可公開查詢

中 華 民 國 101 年 04 月 27 日

中 文 摘 要 ： 自二十世紀末，遷移已經成為全球普遍現象。過去十餘年 來，新移民已經逐漸成為台灣人口發展的特色之一，台灣的 新移民主要是來自中國和東南亞國家，這些新移民主要是透 過婚姻關係移居台灣，但女性與男性移民明顯不同。近年來 逐漸增加的離婚率也引起各界關注，在 2008 年約有三分之一 結婚對偶訴請離婚，但高達二分之一跨國婚姻對偶訴請離 婚。明顯的，跨國婚姻的離婚率遠比本籍離婚率高。面對此 一社會發展趨勢，我們關心新移民單親母親在日常生活中將 面對何種照顧與工作共容的壓力？她們運用何種策略平衡工 作與照顧需求? 本研究著重於探討新移民在日常生活中的家庭照顧壓 力，並深入探討新移民運用何種策略平衡工作與照顧需求， 這些策略運用是否受到性別、家庭結構、支持系統、階級、 都會或農村、和單親或非單親因素影響。第三年研究過程主 要是結合深度訪談與焦點團體訪談進行相關資料之收集，共 訪問了 20 位因喪偶或離婚而成為單親母親之新移民，並舉辦 三次焦點團體座談會，訪談了 30 位來自 27 個民間團體的第 一線實務工作者。 本研究目的有下列幾項： ㄧ、勾勒女性新移民單親母親在日常生活中家庭照顧的經 驗。 二、探討女性新移民單親母親就業與照顧共容之策略運用。 三、瞭解新移民對於自我角色的認同，是視自己為照顧者或 工作者。 四、增進對多元文化的理解。 五、發展具有性別、階級、文化和種族敏感的研究，做為政 府未來建構新移民相關政策與服務措施的參考依據。 中文關鍵詞： 新移民、就業與家庭照顧共容策略、友善家庭社會政策、性 別角色、單親母親、家庭結構

英 文 摘 要 ： Migration has become a global phenomenon since the end of 20th century. Increasing migration has become one of the prominent demographic features of Taiwan over the last twenty years. In Taiwan, immigrants from China and South-East Asia mainly via

transnational marriage； however, differences exist between genders but have been largely ignored by both academic researchers and policy makers. In addition, increasing divorce rate have drawn attentions from scholars and governments over the past twenty years.

In 2008, about one-third of Taiwanese couples filed divorced, whereas half of transnational married couples appealed to divorce, so there is a higher divorce rate among transitional marriages than general population. This raises questions: What are the impacts faced by immigrant single mothers in everyday live in regard to work-care balance? What are the strategies utilized by immigrant single mothers to reconcile work and childcare?

Overall, this study is interested in investigating the circumstances that immigrants face in providing care for family members including children, older persons, and persons with disabilities. Additionally, this study addresses the strategies of reconciling work and unpaid family care by immigrants in terms of their original countries, genders, spouses’ family structure, class, geographic areas, and single/non-single mothers

Based on a combination of qualitative in-depth

interview with 20 immigrant lone mothers and focusing group with 30 service providers, this study in the third year aims to investigate male and single immigrant parent families’ experiences of the

reconciliation between work and care. Therefore, the purposes of this study in the third year are:

1. What are the care work and work conditions among female immigrant single parents?

2. What are the strategies used by immigrant single mothers to reconcile unpaid care and paid work? 3. What are the care work and work conditions among immigrant carers?

4. To provide suggestions, based on Finland and Britain experiences, for developing Family-Friendly Social Policies in the face of ageing society and declining childbirth rate of Taiwan.

To extend knowledge of feminist thoughts and gender studies related to immigrants’ reconciliation of paid work and unpaid family care from multicultural backgrounds.

care, family-friendly social policies, gender role, lone mother family structure

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高齡化與少子化福利國家與照顧政策：家庭照顧者尌業與照顧工作共

容與永續發展--新移民家庭照顧者尌業與照顧工作共容？(III)

研究成果報告(完整版)

目 錄 中文摘要………2 英文摘要………3 壹、前言………5 一、研究背景與重要性………5 二、研究問題與研究目的………6 貳、文獻回顧………6 一、全球在地權力流動………7 二、單親家庭福利論述………9 三、照顧與工作兼顧……….11 叄、研究方法……….12 一、檔案分析法……….12 二、深度訪談法……….12 三、人類學民族誌……….13 四、焦點團體訪談法……….13 肆、研究結果與發現……….13 一、家庭結構……….13 二、國籍與身分………...13 三、婚姻移民單親母親……….…15 四、人類學民族誌……….15 五、焦點團體訪談……….16 伍、論文發表……….17

一、研討會論文~ Does Role Mobility Empower Immigrant Women?...17

二、專書論文~第九章 新移民與社會工作……….40

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中文摘要

關鍵詞： 新移民、尌業與家庭照顧共容策略、友善家庭社會政策、性別角色、 單親母親、家庭結構 自二十世紀末，遷移已經成為全球普遍現象。過去十餘年來，新移民已經逐 漸成為台灣人口發展的特色之一，台灣的新移民主要是來自中國和東南亞國家， 這些新移民主要是透過婚姻關係移居台灣，但女性與男性移民明顯不同。近年來 逐漸增加的離婚率也引起各界關注，在 2008 年約有三分之一結婚對偶訴請離婚， 但高達二分之一跨國婚姻對偶訴請離婚。明顯的，跨國婚姻的離婚率遠比本籍離 婚率高。面對此一社會發展趨勢，我們關心新移民單親母親在日常生活中將面對 何種照顧與工作共容的壓力？她們運用何種策略平衡工作與照顧需求? 本研究著重於探討新移民在日常生活中的家庭照顧壓力，並深入探討新移 民運用何種策略平衡工作與照顧需求，這些策略運用是否受到性別、家庭結構、 支持系統、階級、都會或農村、和單親或非單親因素影響。第三年研究過程主要 是結合深度訪談與焦點團體訪談進行相關資料之收集，共訪問了 20 位因喪偶或 離婚而成為單親母親之新移民，並舉辦三次焦點團體座談會，訪談了 30 位來自 27 個民間團體的第一線實務工作者。 本研究目的有下列幾項： ㄧ、勾勒女性新移民單親母親在日常生活中家庭照顧的經驗。 二、探討女性新移民單親母親尌業與照顧共容之策略運用。 三、瞭解新移民對於自我角色的認同，是視自己為照顧者或工作者。 四、增進對多元文化的理解。 五、發展具有性別、階級、文化和種族敏感的研究，做為政府未來建構新移民相 關政策與服務措施的參考依據。

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Abstract

Keywords: immigrants, reconciling paid work and unpaid family care,

family-friendly social policies, gender role, lone mother family structure

Migration has become a global phenomenon since the end of 20th century. Increasing migration has become one of the prominent demographic features of Taiwan over the last twenty years. In Taiwan, immigrants from China and South-East Asia mainly via transnational marriage; however, differences exist between genders but have been largely ignored by both academic researchers and policy makers. In addition, increasing divorce rate have drawn attentions from scholars and

governments over the past twenty years. In 2008, about one-third of Taiwanese couples filed divorced, whereas half of transnational married couples appealed to divorce, so there is a higher divorce rate among transitional marriages than general population. This raises questions: What are the impacts faced by immigrant single mothers in everyday live in regard to work-care balance? What are the strategies utilized by immigrant single mothers to reconcile work and childcare?

Overall, this study is interested in investigating the circumstances that immigrants face in providing care for family members including children, older persons, and persons with disabilities. Additionally, this study addresses the strategies of reconciling work and unpaid family care by immigrants in terms of their original countries, genders, spouses’ family structure, class, geographic areas, and

single/non-single mothers

Based on a combination of qualitative in-depth interview with 20 immigrant lone mothers and focusing group with 30 service providers, this study in the third year aims to investigate male and single immigrant parent families’ experiences of the reconciliation between work and care. In order to understanding the similarities and differences among different population in Taiwan and across nations, this study also compare with other sub-projects in our integrated project and with international integrated project, in particular with male as well as immigrant projects in Britain and Finland to explore the similarities and differences in experiences of work-care

balance.

Therefore, the purposes of this study in the third year are:

1. What are the care work and work conditions among female immigrant single parents?

2. What are the strategies used by immigrant single mothers to reconcile unpaid care and paid work?

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4. To provide suggestions, based on Finland and Britain experiences, for developing Family-Friendly Social Policies in the face of ageing society and declining childbirth rate of Taiwan.

5. To extend knowledge of feminist thoughts and gender studies related to

immigrants’ reconciliation of paid work and unpaid family care from multicultural backgrounds.

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壹、前 言

一、研究背景與重要性 如何兼顧工作與家庭照顧，是因應高齡化少子化社會永續發展重要國家政 策。整合型研究主要是探討我國參與勞動市場之家庭照顧者，在兼顧尌業與照顧 之處境、困難與策略運用，做為未來規劃支持性家庭照顧者尌業與照顧共容之永 續發展政策，以維護兩性勞動參與權，及老年人、未成年子女與身心障礙者之生 活品質，同時也能兼顧少數族群之獨特性，提供我國發展永續發展之參考。 因應全球跨國人口流動對家庭、社會與經濟發展造成的衝擊，而當前國際 社會強調性別主流化實踐的理念，協助新移民婦女進入移居國之後，能充分參與 勞動市場及兼顧有酬工作與照顧責任，不僅成為歐美工業國家政策推動關注重點， 同時也是我國相關政策及婦女與人權團體共同努力的目標。本研究為跨專業整合 型研究之子計畫，研究期間為期三年，主要以女性跨國婚姻移民為研究對象，探 討來自中國與東南亞婚姻移民，日常生活中工作與家庭照顧共容之經驗及其策略 運用，瞭解婚姻移民婦女是否因為種族、階級、家庭結構與文化背景，影響日常 生活中之工作與照顧共容經驗及其策略運用。 本研究主題不僅扣連國際社會發展趨勢，同時也回應國內人口、社會與家庭 發展之需求，從過去三年研究經驗中，對我國婚姻移民家庭日常生活中，婚姻移 民婦女參與勞動市場及如何兼顧有酬工作與照顧責任部分有較完整的了解，同時 也看到了我國經濟發展與產業結構變化對婚姻移民婦女及其家庭可能的影響，這 些發現可做為未來政府推動勞動與家庭照顧政策之參考。 在三年研究期間，主要是結合檔案資料分析、深度訪談、焦點團體訪談法 和人類學民族誌，進行相關資料收集。三年研究期間，研究主持人共訪問了 72 位婚姻移民婦女，在第三年更針對第一線實務工作者舉辦三場焦點團體座談會， 共有 27 個民間團體，30 位成員參與焦點團體訪談。共同主持人則是在美濃地區 和台南市進行人類學民族誌，針對農工階級家庭尌業與家庭照顧共容進行比較分 析。研究過程，主持人和共同主持人陸續將研究初步發現改寫，分別或共同發表 於英國、芬蘭、印度、西班牙和台灣等國舉辦的國際學術研討會，並陸續改寫投 稿或發表於國內外學術期刊和參與專書之撰寫。 由於過去幾年，傾向於將研究成果改寫投稿或發表於學術研究期刊。故， 期末報告有關研究結果與發現部分，主要以整理逐年初步發現為主，進而彙整已 刊登在專書或期刊，及發表於國際學術研討會之論文為主，對於投稿且在審查中 之論文，因審查之故，不便於在期末報告中呈現。 二、研究問題與研究目的 (一) 研究問題： 本研究主要是探討來自中國與東南亞國家之婚姻移民，在日常生活經驗中如

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何兼顧工作與家庭照顧及其策略之運用。透過三年研究過程，期待能回答下列幾 項研究問題：

(一) How do the employed immigrants construct their identity while reconciling work and family care roles?

(二) To what extend can the institutional and societal arrangements cause impacts on immigrants’ choice of paid work and unpaid family care?

(三) What specific types of policies have been introduced to improve work/family balance in those countries, including Taiwan, British, and Finland?

(二) 研究目的： 整體而言，本研究目的有下列幾項： (一) 瞭解中國與東南亞婚姻移民之家庭結構、性別意識、階級與族群，與日常 生活中 尌業與家庭照顧共容之經驗。 (二) 探討家庭結構、非正式支持資源，對於中國與東南亞婚姻移民兼顧工作與 家庭照顧之互動關係與策略運用。 (三) 剖析工作中的中國與東南亞國家婚姻移民，在家庭中角色、對於角色認知 的認同。 (四) 探討婚姻移民因喪偶或離婚而成為單親母親，在缺乏社會支持資源下，如 何兼顧尌業與子女照顧之需求。 (五) 發展具有性別、階級、文化和種族敏感的研究，做為建構友善婚姻移民家 庭之相關政策與服務措施之參考。 (六) 拓展女性主義在婚姻移民尌業與家庭照顧共容經驗與策略運用相關理論之 詮釋內涵。

貳、文獻回顧

(註:由於研究過程已根據初步發現改寫發表於研討會、期刊或專書上，因 論文主題不同參考文獻也不同，此部分僅以目前正在轉稿中之婚姻移民單親母親 之文獻回顧為主) 在過去「性別」(gender)很少是社科會科學研究的類屬(category)，直到 全球化才逐漸將性別納入。許多學者認為雖然全球化研究將「性別」納入，但仍 是放置在全球資本主義架構下論述，看到的永遠是女性與勞動市場的關係，女性 在家務勞動與照顧的生活經驗永遠被忽略，尤其是女性移民在移居國家庭生活經 驗或社會關係更嚴重被忽略 (Ehrenreich & Hochschild 2003; Castle & Miller 2003; Braziel 2008)。對於台灣婚姻移民單親母親生活經驗的探討，研究者企 圖擺脫家庭與勞動對立的二元論，看到東南亞婦女因婚姻關係進入台灣社會，更 因家庭需要而進入勞動市場，甚至成為家庭經濟主要支持者，但日常生活經驗仍 舊是必須在家務勞動與照顧中周旋。當婚姻移民因喪偶或離婚而成為單親母親， 減輕了來自夫家對於為人妻與媳婦的角色約束，是否也改變了母職經驗角色的扮

7 演。 下列文獻討論，分為三部分。第一部分說明全球在地連結的權力流動，第 二部份探討我國與西方國家對於單親家庭論述的差異，第三部分論述性別角色在 家務勞動與照顧經驗的概念與發展。 一、 全球在地權力流動 婚姻移民是二十世紀後期全球人口流動的現象之一。婚姻移民不只是人口 流動現象而已，也隱含著政治、經濟與社會意義。Nicole Constable (2005) 以「慾望場所」(sites of desire)形容跨國婚姻移民現象，她認為來自第三 世界國家婦女願意透過仲介媒合跨國婚姻，不只是期望能改善原生家庭物質生 活條件而已，其實也隱含著對異國婚姻關係與生活經驗的想像。Gregory M. Pflugfelder (1999)指出跨國人口流動現象，交織著文化、空間、性別和資源 等多重權力交換關係，展現出一幅慾望交織的「慾望地圖」(cartographies of desire)。舉例來說，Nobue Suzuki (2007)曾經在日本和菲律賓兩地，進行跨 國婚姻的民族誌研究，發現日本男性和菲律賓女性的聯姻行動建構的「全球在 地」連結(global/local linkages)，不僅讓個人社會關係得以跨界延伸，也 讓資本主義權力運作關係(power relations)深入雙邊社會產生跨界 (cross-border)影響。 趙彥寧(2010)在閩北、台灣兩地跨境母職勞動經驗的田野研究，也展現跨國 婚姻對於日常生活社會關係與性別階序運作的影響。趙彥寧(2010)發現閩北地區 已婚女性已逐漸取代未婚男性成為家戶經濟的跨境勞動者，但是閩北婦女入境台 灣後逐漸集中在情慾勞動工作，這些勞動經驗也逐漸影響閩北的性別分工與價值 意識。閩北婦女跨境母職勞動效應回應了 Constable、Suzuki 和 Pflugfelder 等人的觀點，跨國婚姻不只是人口移動或經濟效應而已，同時也讓全球資本主義 透過跨國婚姻，深入日常生活家庭與社會關係。 雖然婚姻移民是全球現象，但仍舊集中在區域範圍內。例如，東南亞 (如越 南、菲律賓、印尼) 婦女，透過跨國婚姻移居東亞國家(如:日本、韓國、香港、 臺灣) (Constable 2003; Freeman 2005; Suzuki 2007; del Rosario 2008)。 雖然跨國婚姻增添了台灣社會的多元性與豐富性，但是跨國婚姻形成背景，總難 免讓婚姻移民關係蒙上支配與壓迫陰影。「她是我買來的!」是研究者在田野研究 過程，經常聽到的一句話，投射著婚姻移民被物化的歧視。婚姻移民的男性大都 是藍領或底層階級，家庭經濟條件原本尌不算好，家庭關係不是破碎尌是延續父 權思維，日常生活總是恪守「長幼有序、男女有別」的「男尊女卑」性別思維。 唯有當婚姻移民家庭經濟陷入困境時，他們才願意放棄「男主外、女主內」的性 別分工堅持，讓婚姻移民外出工作扛起養家責任，否則「出去會學壞了!」，可說 是婚姻移民夫家家人的口頭禪。 當因為家庭需要而讓婚姻移民的配偶及家人放棄「男主外、女主內」的性別 分工模式，對於婚姻移民家務勞動與照顧經驗又產生甚麼樣的衝擊?根據 Pan & Yang (2011)的田野研究發現，婚姻移民因為主客觀條件的限制，大都無法從事

8 朝九晚五的全職工作，若從事全職工作也大都是在工廠擔任作業員，大部分婚姻 移民從事多重兼職(不同時段的多份清潔打掃工作)、非典型尌業(與地方產業結 合農務工作如挖蚵、清除魚鱗、摺疊檳榔葉、農務、採茶等)或從事地下經濟活 動(如賣電話卡、騎機車載客人、裁縫修補衣服等)。當婚姻移民外出工作時，家 人或配偶尌必須擔負起全部或部分家務勞動與子女照顧責任。一般小家庭欠缺非 正式支持資源，當婚姻移民外出工作時，配偶尌成為家務勞動與照顧主要人力， 多少翻轉了傳統性別分工角色；但是白領階級或大家庭，則因為經濟條件較好或 非正式資源較多，反而難以跳脫既定的的性別分工框架 (Pan, Lin & Yang 2010)。 Pan 等人的研究與 Laslett 和 Brenner (1989)的觀察相似，Laslett 和 Brenner 運用階級差異分析公私領域的社會建構，發現大多數中產階級家庭由於丈夫薪資 足以養家，大部分家務勞動及照顧工作都是由女性獨撐，家庭關係延續傳統性別 分工，而勞工階級家庭由於丈夫收入不穩定、家庭資源也較少，性別分工的界線 比較模糊 (引自張晉芬 2011)。 婚姻移民外出工作是否改變了家庭權力支配關係？答案有待深入檢驗。從人 類歷史發展經驗剖析性別角色，女人一直很難擺脫「再生產」(reproduction)角 色。根據女性主義學者的觀察（Cowan, 1983；李美玲、楊亞潔、伊慶春，2000）， 過去數十年來女性權益雖然獲得很大改善，在家務分工仍舊沒有太大改變，男人 仍舊從家務勞動中缺席，而女人則擺盪在家務勞動與工作之間，所以家務分工被 譏之為「停滯的性別革命」（引自喻維欣，2003：252）。 婚姻移民是否能透過「理性選擇」達到實質利益交換的目標？對許多透過婚 姻關係移居台灣的婚姻移民而言，未必然是期待「直接」的物質交換關係，而是 「間接」的工作機會交換。唐文慧等人(2010) 透過深度訪談探討受暴越南配偶 的生活經驗，發現跨國婚姻中的雙方對於性別角色期待不一致，是導致台越跨國 婚姻衝突與受暴的主因，若是越南婚姻移民婦女在臺灣經濟無法獨立，在面對家 庭暴力時要離開夫家，幾乎是不可能的選項。該項研究也發現，許多越南婦女願 意和臺灣男性結婚，主要還是考量臺灣的經濟發展可以讓自己有機會改善娘家的 經濟生活，積極尋找進入勞動市場的管道與尌業機會，卻也成為家庭暴力的主因 (唐文慧、王宏仁 2011)。「改善娘家經濟生活」是婚姻移民選擇透過跨國婚姻移 居臺灣的原因之一，但是並非所有的期待都盡如人意。許多婚姻移民婦女來到臺 灣之後，發現原來夫家的經濟生活並不如想像的好，有些婚姻移民被允許外出工 作，有許多婚姻移民則不被允許外出工作；即便外出工作，婚姻移民也發現在個 人、家庭和結構因素的限制下，大多只能從事非典型或底層勞動性質工作。在過 去三年多的田野訪談過程，經常聽到婚姻移民對於自己當初選擇跨國婚姻的行動 難免質疑，原本期待跨國婚姻可以讓自己擺脫原生家庭貧窮生活，沒想到移居臺 灣後卻又陷入另一種生活困境，跨國婚姻尌好像是一條不歸路，透過跨國婚姻產 生的全球在地連結是否可以幫助婚姻移民擺脫貧窮，答案似乎也只能在風中飄 揚。

9 二、單親家庭福利論述 根據《維基百科全書》的定義，單親家庭是指「只有一位母親或父親之家 庭。單親家庭的成因可能是因為離婚、分居、配偶一方死亡或出走，其次是未婚 媽媽或爸爸獨力養活兒女」。我國《社會救助法》、《特殊境遇婦女家庭扶助辦法》 及《兒少福利法》對於「單親家庭」的定義，則強調因父母離婚、喪偶、收養、 未婚生育所形成之家庭，且家庭中至少必須要有一位十八歲以下未成年子女。綜 合上述，本文對於婚姻移民單親家庭的定義，強調來自中國或東南亞國家，透過 仲介、親友介紹或其他方式認識而結婚形成的跨國婚姻關係，無論受訪者在接受 訪問時是否領有身分證，只要是因為喪偶或因為個性不合、婚姻暴力而離婚，在 接受訪問時，至少有一位十八歲以下未成年子女同住，尌稱為婚姻移民單親家庭。 由於婚姻移民的女男比例為 1:9，且社會結構對於單親母親的限制多於單親父親， 因此本研究探討之婚姻移民單親家庭主要以婚姻移民單親母親為主。 雖然單親家庭不是社會問題，但是單親家庭較缺乏非正式支持與資源，無論 是對子女照顧與教育、居住安排、休閒和社交生活、家庭經濟都會產生衝擊。由 於單親家庭結構與人力資本(human capital)的限制，可能影響下一代的發展。 國內外學者都指出工業國家普遍面臨高離婚率，但單親母親比單親父親更容易受 到對離婚的汙名，加上性別化勞動市場的影響，單親母親比單親父親更容易陷入 經濟困境，所以有「貧窮女性化」(feminization of poverty)的發展趨勢 (鄭 麗珍 1999；薛承泰 2002；Beiser et al., 2002; Oropeas & landale, 1997; Sullivan & Ziegert, 2008)。

過去二十年來工業國家單親家庭的比率都有明顯增加趨勢，但大多數都會從 社會福利因應。美國保守福利學家將女性單親家庭激增原因歸因於因為「失依兒 童家庭補助」(Aid to Families with Dependent Children, AFDC1935~1996)， 降低了單親母親對經濟不安全的擔憂，而容易選擇離開婚姻關係，在 1996 年將 此法案修定為「貧窮家庭急難救助方案」(Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, TANF)，限縮單親家庭的津貼補助期間 (限期兩年)，且單親母親必須 參與勞動市場，否則無法再獲得 TANF 津貼補助。最近有研究指出，單親母親為 了避免無法再獲得 TANF 津貼補助，會在 TANF 津貼補助期滿後快速找到工作，但 是這些工作大都是低所得，導致大多數女性單親家庭只能生活在貧窮線邊緣 (Anderson, Halter & Gryzlak 2004)。Stephen P. Jenkins (1992) 的研究發 現，英國有 90%的單親家庭是單親母親，而單親母親普遍有「低尌業率」和「高 度依賴社會福利」的特色。Jenkins 分析 1989 年英國單親家庭資料庫，發現單親 母親參與勞動市場與子女年齡明顯有關，有學齡前幼兒單親母親比較不容易從事 全職工作。Jenkins 也發現「族群」與「尌業歧視」也是影響單親母親勞動參與 的關鍵，尌業市場對於少數族群的歧視，加上不同族群對於女性勞動參與的評價， 都是影響單親母親尌業率偏低的原因。 雖然歐美國家對於單親家庭的論述，大都會連結到社會福利政策，但是福利 意識型態不同，對於介入單親家庭的策略也會不同。舉例來說，美國比較傾向保

10

守福利思維，強調單親家庭快速增加導因於政府對「失依兒童家庭補助」(AFDC) 的補助，不僅降低了社會道德約束力、也破壞了傳統家庭價值信念，才導致女性 單親家庭(female-headed households)激增，因此主張限縮單親家庭福利給付津 貼，同時也將「工作福利」(workfare)的概念帶入單親家庭的補助方案，規定接 受補助單親家庭，每周至少需要工作 30 小時 (Anderson, Halter & Gryzlak 2004)。

相較之下，歐洲國家(尤其是北歐)採取比較積極的福利思維，主張政府應該 透過「友善家庭政策」(friendly family policy)推動多元家庭支持服務方案， 幫助單親或非單親家庭達到工作與家庭兼顧的目標。雖然歐洲是從性別平權及促 進女性勞動參與觀點，強調政府應透過各項措施幫助單親家庭達到工作與照顧兼 顧目標，但是不同福利國家體制對於單親家庭福利政策的作法仍有差異，這些差 異都可能影響單親母親對於工作與照顧兼顧策略的運用 (Kamerman & Kahn 1988)。舉例來說：Teppo Kröger (2010)在芬蘭、法國、義大利、英國和葡萄牙 五個國家訪問了 111 位單親母親，僅有芬蘭與法國提供普及式兒童照顧服務，但 是這兩國對於學齡兒童課後及假日輔導與服務，提供之服務仍舊十分有限，導致 芬蘭和法國單親母親仍舊必須依賴長輩或前配偶提供協助。南歐國家對於兒童照 顧服務比較多元，但私有化程度較為嚴重。義大利與葡萄牙單親母親幾乎都是從 事全職工作，由於這兩個國家的公托服務非常有限、且品質也不好，而私托費用 非常昂貴，通常單親母親很難負擔私托費用，所以只能依賴非正式家庭支持，尤 其是來自長輩的協助。在義大利由祖父母提供子女照顧(孫子女)的情況十分普遍， 這種現象被稱之為「祖父母的母職照顧」(grandmaternal care)，Rossana Trifiletti (1999)及 Constanza Tobio (2005)等人曾嘲諷「只要沒有祖父母的 協助，義大利社會福利制度尌會崩垮!」 美國對於女性單親家庭保守論調忽略了女性的主體性，也忽略了社會發展對 於兩性關係的影響。歐洲國家對於單親家庭政策的制定，比較強調性別平權及促 進女性尌業，但是無論是勞動市場結構或家庭意識形態，與台灣有著相當大歧異， 加上在歐洲跨國婚姻移民現象並不普遍，所以對於婚姻移民單親家庭福利政策的 論述，只能沿用性別思維理念，無法兼顧族群、階級、文化與國族的多重壓迫。 整體而言，歐美國家對於單親家庭的論述，大都不是以婚姻移民單親家庭為 研究對象，即便偶有探討移民單親家庭之研究 (Moon 2003; Read 2004)，大都 聚焦在傳統移民家庭、而非以婚姻移民家庭為主。國內對於單親家庭的論述，比 較少觸及國家角色或社會福利與單親家庭生活經驗的互動關係，反而偏重於微觀 層次個人與家庭責任。有些研究著重台灣社會變遷對於單親家庭的影響 (張清富 等 1995；薛承泰 1996)，有些研究則聚焦在生活調適和女性單親家庭貧窮化現象 (鄭麗珍 1999；薛承泰 2002；郭靜晃、吳幸玲 2003)，但也有些研究是從優勢或 復原力觀點比較男/女性單親家庭的調適與需求差異 (唐先梅 2002；彭淑華 2005； 趙善如 2006；謝美娥 2008)。這些研究都指出受到傳統性別角色及勞動市場結構 影響，單親母親比單親父親更容易經驗到經濟壓力與社會歧視。舉例來說，彭淑

11 華(2006)運用焦點團體訪問了 20 位單親母親，發現單親母親普遍面臨「經濟不 安全或匱乏」導致影響生活品質；謝美娥(2008)結合深度訪談和焦點團體訪談法， 探討離婚單親母親復原力，發現唯有當單親母親收入穩定後，才有機會追求幸福 或提升生活品質。這些研究都指出，單親母親願意走出生活困境的原動力來自「孩 子」，而原生家庭支持和社會資源給了很大幫助，當單親母親對周遭事物有正面 評價，樂於與人分享經驗與幫助他人時，尌是突破困境展現生命力的表現。趙善 如(2006)運用復原力觀點訪談高雄市 516 戶單親家庭，發現單親家庭經驗到社會 心理適應壓力遠比雙親家庭嚴重，對於不同性別單親家庭的生活品質影響也不同。 對男性單親而言，影響生活品質主要來源是家庭情感性資源，其次才是訊息資源； 影響女性單親家庭生活品質主要來源是人力暨社會資本，其次才是訊息資源。換 句話說，單親母親比較容易遭遇經濟困境，且因經濟困境而影響生活品質。 近幾年國內婚姻移民研究議題有漸增趨勢，大都聚焦在婚姻移民的生活適應、 親職教育或婚姻暴力議題，較少探討婚姻移民的性別分工或勞動參與經驗。目前 僅有兩篇實證研究，探討婚姻移民家庭貧窮化(王永慈 2005)及婚姻移民婦女勞 動力(王燦槐、林艾蓉 2009)，這兩篇研究都是以內政部「2003 年大陸與外籍配 偶生活狀況調查」資料庫進行次級資料分析。王永慈(2005)的研究發現，婚姻移 民家庭的貧窮率高於一般家庭貧窮率(1.08%)，中國移民家庭的貧窮率(3.6%)又 高於東南亞移民家庭(1.5%)。王燦槐、林艾蓉(2009)的研究也發現婚姻移民女性 勞動參與率比本籍婦女低，而中國籍婦女的勞動參與率又比東南亞籍婦女更低。 國外也有研究指出，移民婦女的勞動參與率普遍偏低，且大都是從事餐飲、打掃 或作業員工作，經濟困窘生活處境往往對生活品質產生負面影響（Beiser et al., 2002; Sullivan & Ziegert, 2008）。

三、 照顧與工作兼顧 1970 年代之後女性比較有機會走出家庭參與勞動市場，但仍難以撼動婦女 在家務勞動與照顧的角色。在缺乏友善家庭支持服務方案與非正式資源下，職業 婦女大都只能過著蠟燭兩頭燒的生活，尤其是子女在學齡前階段更為嚴重。國外 學者指出移民婦女在工作與照顧兼顧上承受更多壓力，由於移民婦女的配偶在移 居國無法找到適當工作，移民婦女必須外出工作賺錢養家，但是勞動市場的影響， 大都只能從事低階勞動工作，且養家角色並未減輕移民婦女在家務勞動與照顧的 責任（Bevelander 2005; Heikkila, Savimaki & Ekman 2007; Kiehl & White 2003; Kim et al. 2006; Kinnunen et al. 2003; Obeng 2007; Park 2008; Remennick 2007; Stewart et al. 2006; Tong 2007）。

對於工作與照顧兼顧的研究，大都是從角色壓力理論 (role stress theory) 探討，強調當個人必須扮演多重角色時的困難與壓力 （Kinnunen et al. 2006）。 雖然角色壓力理論指出許多人在面對工作與照顧兼顧時，都會經驗到相似的壓力， 但是 Remennick（2001）和 Liamputtong （2001）卻發現在兼顧工作與照顧的策 略運用，缺因為階級與族群而有明顯差異。勞工階級、經濟弱勢婦女或單親母親 比較缺乏雇用照顧(paid care)的資源，或受限於社會文化而往往經驗到比本籍

12 婦女沉重壓力，導致許多移民婦女長期處於長時間工作、睡眠不足，且對自己無 法兼顧家庭照顧而有深深罪惡感。 Wall 和 Jose （2004）在法國、葡萄牙、芬蘭和義大利進行跨國比較研究， 發現階級和工作與照顧兼顧策略運用有關，通常中產階級或專業移民家庭比較會 運用公共資源(政府子女托育照顧服務)，勞工階級移民家庭比較少運用公共政府， 導致陷入工作與子女照顧兼顧的壓力。第一代移民因為缺乏文化和社會資本 （cultural and social capitals），比較會放棄工作選擇照顧子女，反而讓家 庭經濟陷入窘迫困境，若選擇進入尌業市場尌無法兼顧子女照顧。舉例來說：Kim et al. （2006）訪問了 22 位韓國移民全職婦女，發現韓裔女性因家庭經濟需要 而外出工作，賺取的薪資的確改善了家庭生活品質，但是配偶仍舊很少參與家務 勞動與照顧，當移民婦女不在家時，年長子女(而非配偶)往往成為替代缺席母親， 這類移民家庭子女不僅早熟，且年長子女代理母職現象十分普遍。Data et al. （2006）在倫敦進行田野訪談，發現移民婦女工作與照顧兼顧的策略十分多元， 選擇和配偶輪流照顧、讓父母移居倫敦協助子女照顧，往往是移民家庭普遍使用 的策略。如果移民婦女無法兼顧子女照顧與工作時，因經濟考量而選擇工作，往 往因為無法照顧子女而感到內疚。 許多人對婚姻移民存有刻板印象，認為移民婦女因為語言溝通、文化差異、 教育程度而普遍無助、依賴、並和社會疏離。但是 Read (2004)的研究發現，在 美國出生阿拉伯裔婦女比在母國出生的阿拉伯裔婦女參與勞動市場比率高。許多 移民婦女都會運用社會和非正式資源幫助自己調整角色，達到工作與照顧兼顧的 需要 (Remennick 2001)。許雅惠(2009)訪問了 23 位越南和印尼新移民女性，發 現新移民婦女移居台灣之後，中斷原有社會和非正式資源的連結，藉由進入勞動 市場擴大社會網絡連結，獲得更多社會與經濟資本，因此排除缺乏文化、社會與 經濟資本而產生充權作用。王翊涵(2011)也訪問了 18 位新移民婦女，瞭解新移 民婦女在台灣的生活處境，發現大多數新移民女性都能善用中文學習、參與勞動 市場、母職實踐等機會，重新定義自己的角色，並達到增權培力的目標。

叄、研究方法

在三年研究期間，研究者運用多元測定方式收集相關資料，包括:檔案資料分 析、焦點團體訪談、深度訪談、和人類學民族誌。 一、檔案分析法: 針對臺灣、芬蘭和英國等國有關移民之公民身分與社會福利權，及相關之社 會服務措施進行分析。由於芬蘭和英國跨國婚姻移民現象並不普遍，顧這部 分資料較缺乏，很難進一步比較分析。 二、深度訪談法: 在三年研究期間，針對夫家家庭結構背景不同之婚姻移民婦女，進行訪談 資料收集。主要是透過提供婚姻移民相關服務之民間團體(NGOs)推薦，部分則是

13 透過滾雪球方式邀請，共訪問 72 位婚姻移民。受訪者必須具備下列條件:1.目前 正在尌業中；2.必須負擔子女、長輩或其他家庭成員的照顧工作；3.來自不同家 庭結構與不同族群(ethnic groups)。 三、焦點團體訪談法： 針對第一線提供婚姻移民相關服務之實務工作者(包括:外配中心和民間團 體之社工員、移民署服務站工作人員、和尌業服務站之工作人員)，在全國北中 南三區舉行三場焦點團體，共有 30 位參與。 四、人類學民族誌： 共同主持人選擇在美濃和台南市進行民族誌研究，瞭解農工婚姻移民家庭 日常生活中如何兼顧照顧與工作需要。

肆、研究結果與發現

此部分主要是整理過去三年研究過程的研究結果與發現，資料呈現則依家 庭結構、國籍、單親家庭等類型說明。整體則呈現於第叄部分已發表於國際學術 研討會或刊登在國內外期刊與專書之文章。 一、家庭結構 受訪時，約有三成左右(21 位)的婚姻移民婦女夫家家庭是大家庭。在大家庭 中中，子女照顧往往被視為是家庭成員共同責任，在家庭成員的協助與支持下， 婚姻移民較有機會避免過度照顧負荷。但是在大家庭中，受到傳統性別角色與父 權文化影響，婚姻移民的配偶大都不參與家庭照顧或家務勞動，且家族連帶與緊 密互動，往往成為婚姻移民日常生活的壓力源。 受訪時，高達四成三(31 人，43%)的婚姻移民婦女夫家家庭是小家庭。 在小家庭中，人際關係與互動較為簡單，婚姻移民比較不需要面對多重複 雜關係。但是小家庭較缺乏非正式支持資源，婚姻移民容易感受到兼顧尌 業與照顧的壓力。當配偶不願意參與家務勞動或子女照顧時，婚姻移民會 邀請娘家母親到台灣居住協助照顧子女。 這部份資料經由初步整理，並改寫為兩篇文章發表在研討會中，包括: 1. The answer of Taiwan dream is blowing in the wind: The transforming gender role of immigrant families 一 文 ， 發 表 於 the 2010 International Symposium on Reconciliation of Paid Work and Family Care (「兼顧家庭照顧與有酬工作」：因應高齡化與少子化友善公共政 策)國際研討會中(臺灣)。

2. 移民研究經驗與反思，在跨界照顧國際研討會中擔任引言人(臺灣)。 二、國籍與身分

14 54 人(74.6%)來自東南亞，包括越南、印尼、泰國、柬埔寨、菲律賓。 來自中國的婚姻移民，大都居住在都會地區，日常生活中較少經驗到 文化差異與語言溝通方面的困擾，從事的工作大都以看護、服務業和銷售 業為主。 來自東南亞國家之婚姻移民居住區域較為分散，經驗到較多語言溝通 與文化差異方面的困擾，且因居住區域不同而影響工作類型。居住都會地 區之婚姻移民，大都從事清潔打掃或餐飲(如簡餐)工作，而以傳統產業為 主地區，若工廠較多(如桃園)，則以從事作業員工作為主；若在農漁村， 則從事之工作大都結合該地產業(如雲林挖蚵、臺東檳榔葉、嘉義採茶、種 田、高雄縣菸草)。大多數來自東南亞婚姻移民都經驗到飲食習慣差異引起 的生活適應問題，返回故鄉暫時居住、烹煮故鄉食物、開故鄉餐飲店，都 是幫助自己適應的方式。 在都會地區從事全職工作者，大都有夫家家人協助子女照顧和部分家 務勞動，方能專心從事全職工作。缺乏夫家非正式支持資源者，部分婚姻 移民採取「跨境母職」策略，將學齡前子女送回母國，由娘家家人協助照 顧，或邀請娘家家人輪流來台協助照顧，讓自己可以專心工作，直到子女 入學才接回台灣。部分移民則因子女已經上學，較不需要密集式照顧，會 選擇工作地點離家較近，可以利用空檔回來準備餐點。 大多數婚姻移民缺乏非正式照顧資源，為了兼顧工作與照顧需要，大 都採取多重兼職工作策略。但是在鄉村地區，大都結合再生產工作，以便 能夠兼顧工作與子女照顧之需要。許多婚姻移民會將子女帶到工作地點(如 台東檳榔葉、嘉義早餐店、花蓮修改衣服)，一邊工作、一邊照顧小孩。 72 位受訪者中有多位結婚來台前，因移工身分來台工作多年而認識先 生。移工轉換移民身分，日常生活中遭遇語言溝通和文化差異適應問題較 少，但仍難免經驗家族對於婚姻移民身分的誤解。除此之外，移工轉換移 民身分，似乎讓移民因比較熟悉臺灣社會文化與生活環境，日常生活中的 自主性比較高，比較能透過家族協商方式，取得自己的位置。 這部份資料經由初步整理，並改寫為五篇文章發表在研討會(1)、期 刊論文(2)及專書(2)中，包括:

1. Care as a Strategy in Exchange of Better Life: Chinese Immigrant Women in

Taiwan 一 文 ， 發 表 於 the 5th International Carers Conference: New Frontiers in Caring 2010 and beyond (Leeds University, UK)。(本文目前投 稿審查中)

2. 社會工作者在田野研究中之經驗與反思。社區發展季刊, 134: 520-535。 3. Outsiders in the Family: Abuse of Migrant Domestic Workers in Taiwan.

Asian Journal of Women’s Studies,18(1), 87-117(SSCI 期刊)

4. Sexual abuse of live-in care workers in Taiwan. In Ersi Abaci Kalfoglou and

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In-Tech Open Access Publisher. (ISBN978-953-51-0425-4)。

5. 新移民與社會工作。呂寶靜主編，社會工作與台灣社會(第九章， pp.259-293)。台北:巨流圖書公司。 三、婚姻移民單親母親 受訪時，約有三成左右(20 人，27.8%)的婚姻移民婦女因喪偶或離婚 而成為單親家庭。單親家庭不僅缺乏非正式支持資源，日常生活中也容易 經驗到照顧與工作兼顧的壓力，大多數婚姻移民單親母親傾向結合工作與 照顧的「再生產」勞動類型。然而，單親家庭也提供了婚姻移民重新界定 自己和台灣社會的關係；單純的家庭關係，有助於親子關係的互動與經營， 且提供機會重新檢視自己與臺灣社會的關係。 第三年研究主要是探討新移民單親母親，在缺乏家庭支持與社會資源下，如 何達到兼顧尌業與子女照顧。研究結果發現離婚之單親新移民比喪偶之單親新移 民，面對更多來自非正式支持系統缺乏的困境，因此在尌業與照顧共容策略上， 大都會採取調整上班時間，達到兼顧子女照顧的需求。部份新移民單親母親會在 徵得雇主的同意下，採取結合再生產方式。部分新移民單親母親則選擇將學齡前 小孩送回母國，由娘家家人協助照顧，自己可以專心工作賺錢，直到小學階段再 讓小孩返回台灣接受國民教育，或是請娘家家人陸續旅居台灣協助日常生活中的 子女照顧，形成「跨國母職」 (transnational mothering)的社會現象。 在面對台灣產業兩極化的發展趨勢，愈來愈多民間團體工作人員體會到新移 民進入勞動市場的重要性，但也覺察到新移民進入勞動市場的困境，因而開始發 展出與在地產業結合，並融入多元文化元素的勞動生產經驗。藉此，幫助新移民 婦女發展在地經濟，進而擺脫經濟的弱勢或對福利的依賴。如何協助大多數只能 從事非典型勞動的新移民婦女，逐漸擺脫勞動市場及福利配套的不利困境，其實 也挑戰著國家政府在設計勞動、福利與照顧政策時之思維與策略運用。 這部份資料經由初步整理，並改寫為一篇文章發表在研討會中，另一 篇則撰稿中，包括:

1.Does role mobility empower immigrant women? 一 文 發 表 於 the conference of Diaspora and Development: Prospects and Implications for Nation State (New Delhi, India) (本文目前投稿審查中)。

2.目前正在撰寫中文文稿~跨界在地協商與認同:婚姻移民單親母親、照顧與工 作及其策略，近期預定投稿在國內 TSSCI 期刊。 四、人類學民族誌 除此之外，共同主持人運用人類學民族誌在美濃地區和台南農漁村農 工階級家庭尌業與家庭照顧共容，訪談婚姻移民婦女如何照顧子女及如何 兼顧家庭照顧與工作及其策略運用。

16 (一)農業家庭 農業家庭大都屬於大家庭，大家庭比較會互相分擔，年輕男人出去工 作，老人與婦女下田，婆媳分擔工作，生活還過得去。如果是小家庭，則 無法支持，小孩要有人顧，無法在市場上找到合適的工作。大環境因為休 耕，農業愈來愈難做下去。如果婦女出去工作，小孩子大了，婆婆會幫忙 看小孩。如果沒有婆婆幫忙，整個家庭的經濟容易尌陷入危險／負債之中。 (二)工人家庭 仍以三代同堂大家庭方式居住為主。工人家庭外出工作賺取薪資本屬常態， 比較起農家的媳婦，因不受制於地，更容易出去工作。但移民女性要出外工作仍 是爭取來的。 這部份資料經由初步整理，並改寫為八篇文章發表於研討會和專書中， 包括: 1.娶外配的男性都是大男人？以女性主義民族誌方法重新解讀男性陽剛特質，收 錄於周平、林昱瑄主編，《質性/別研究》，2010 年 6 月，頁 148-179。台北： 巨流出版社。 2. 新移民女性之組織工作：一個跨領域的實踐嘗試，收錄於《跨界流離：全球 化下的移民與移工》，頁 241-298. 台北：台灣社會研究雜誌社。 3.跨國婚姻家庭的兒童照顧工作：多重交織的觀點一文，發表於 2010 台灣社會 學年會暨國科會專題研究成果發表會(台北：輔仁大學社會學系)。 4.皇帝選妃？跨國婚姻中男性陽剛氣質的實踐與挫敗一文，發表於 2010 台灣 社會學年會暨國科會專題研究成果發表會(台北：輔仁大學社會學系)。 5. The Reconciliation of Work and Family Life of Immigrant Women in Taiwan 一文，

發表於 Why Gender?(University of Jyväskylä, Finland)

6. Displaced in Frontiers: Experiences of Divorced Marriage Immigrants in Taiwan 一文，發表於 Women's World 2008 10 th International Interdisciplinary Congress of Womens’ Universidad Complutense (de Madrid，Spain).

7. 性別、跨國婚姻與親密性公民權一文，發表於第五屆家庭法律社會學及研討 會「移民人權與照護」(中正大學法學院)。 8.父系親屬與國境管理之交織：新移民女性離婚經驗初探 一文，發表於親密關 係：性、國家與權力研討會(東海大學社會學系)。 五、焦點團體訪談 研究者將陸續整理焦點團體資料，目前三場焦點團體，共 27 民間團體，30 位成員成員參與。初步發現： (一)若先生有全職工作，婚姻移民大都不被允許外出工作。 (二)多數婚姻移民的工作，大都透過姊妹或同鄉相互介紹，較少透過尌業服務站 或正式單位的媒合。 (三)民間團體開始發展能節合地方產業的尌業機會，透過訓練與培力過程，幫助

17 婚姻移民兼顧工作與照顧之需要，也鼓勵婚姻移民透過連結成立團體，爭取 發聲機會。 (四)婚姻移民的工作型態大都欠缺勞健保，也沒有相關福利配套，不利於年老後 婚姻移民的權利行使。非都會地區大眾運輸與是否有交通工具，都是影響婚 姻移民工作選擇關鍵。 (五)在鄉村地區，許多婚姻移民必須兼負起照顧配偶和長輩的責任。 (六)愈來愈多婚姻移民必須扮演家庭經濟支持者角色。

伍、論文發表

考慮篇幅關係，且部份論文在第一年和第二年期末報告中已呈現。故， 在此僅以研究主持人在第三年研究期間，發表於國際研討會(印度)和參與專 書撰寫之文章呈現。 一、國際研討會論文 (註:此文與共同主持人共同發表於 2011 年 9 月 7~9 日在 New Delhi,India 舉 行 的 The conference of Diaspora and Development: Prospects and Implications for Nation State 國際研討會上)。

Does Role Mobility Empower Immigrant Women?

Shu-Man Pan

Graduate Institute of Social Work, National Taiwan Normal University, Taiwan

Jung-Tsung Yang

Department of Sociology, National Taipei University, Taiwan

Abstract

Drawing interview with 42 immigrants from Southeast Asia, this study explores gendered family care and housework within immigrant households in Taiwan. Research findings of this study demonstrate that family support can transform gender roles within immigrant households. Immigrants in extended families gain support from family relatives, but lose opportunities to change the traditional husband and wife roles associated with childcare and housework. Different from the predominant stereotype, most

immigrants are full-time employees or have multiple part-time jobs to support their family. Transnational marriage gives third-world women opportunities to move away from disadvantaged living conditions, and gives their husbands an opportunity to change their gender roles in everyday life.

Keywords: Empower; transnational marriage; gender role, family support, childcare

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Introduction

Migration has become a global phenomenon since the end of 20th century. Increasing migration is one of the prominent demographic features of Taiwan over the last fifteen years. Currently there are 427,779 immigrants constituting about 2% of the total population of Taiwan. More than 90% of these immigrants are female, mainly from South-east Asia and China via transnational marriages (National Immigration Agency 2010). Researches of Taiwan immigration (Wang 2000, 2001; Kung 2004; Mo and Lai 2004; Pan 2004, 2007; Pan Yang and Lin 2010) have reported that immigrants’ spouses are largely from working class and low-income backgrounds, and some with disabilities. These families still maintain traditional gender role expectations for immigrants, and thus family care and childbearing become primary responsibilities for immigrants. However, family economic needs would turn immigrant women into family providers. How does the breadwinning role shift impact labor division in the immigrant family? Could the breadwinning role shift increase immigrant women’s power in their marriages?

Theories on gender roles have considered women’s employment as a key to increase their power in marriages (Heckert, Nowak and Snyder 1998; South 2001; Eschle 2004; Crompton 2006). Statistics have also documented more and more women in industrial society pursuing high education and employment to alter the power dynamics in their marriages (Jones 2007; Wierda-Boer, Gerris and Vermnlst 2008; Meisenbach 2010). However, the findings of studies of the impacts of women’s employment on gender division of household labor are inconsistent. Some recognize women’s employment as a key element to improve their disadvantages in marriages (Wierda-Boer, Gerris and Vermnlst 2008). Others suggest that earning an income does not guarantee the increase of women’s power in their marriages (Coltrane 2000; Tichenor 2005; Meisenbach 2010).

Despite the increasing importance of women’s employment, the gender division of domestic labor persists (Sainsbury 1996; Pham 1999; Inglehart and Baker 2000; Marks, Lam and McHale 2009). Cultural norm that reinforces men’s dominance over women is often used to explain the unaltered power dynamics in marriages. But, researchers have noted that the impacts of economic changes on gendered roles need to be analyzed within the cultural contexts (Parrado and Flippen 2005; Tichenor 2005; Gangl and Ziefle 2009).

Taiwanese culture is significantly influenced by the Confucian family ideology. According to the Confucian tradition, women’s roles are domestically oriented and women are supposed to depend on men through their life course (Pan 2005). Even today, this traditional gender norm continues to shape the power dynamic of gender role in everyday life. How do global economic transformations from labor-intensive

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to high-technical impact these immigrant families? Can immigrant women benefit from their employments or their employments reinforce gender inequalities in their marriages? How do these families re-arrange daily care and housework when immigrant women are employed? How does Taiwanese patriarchal gender norm shape the dynamics of gender roles in everyday life? Drawing data from in-depth interviews with 42 migrant women from Southeast Asia, this study explores the gendered family care and housework within these immigrant households.

Literature Review

Transnational Marriage in Taiwan

Taiwan has undergone tremendous transformation in political, economic and social structure over the past fifteen years. Since 1996, citizens can elect president via vote directly. The economic structure has shifted from labor-intensive industries to high-technologies. This economic restructuring leads to the expansion of service industries which provide opportunities for women to participate in the labor market. In 2009, women’s labor force participation rate was 49.63% which has increased 3.59% since 1999. Education is another factor for explaining the increase of women’s labor force participation rate in Taiwan. The percentage of women with high

education (45.52%) in 2009 was higher than men (39.58%), and women with high education (45.52%) constitute the majority of female employees.

For feminists, women’s labor force participation is a source of women’s liberty and equality within marriages. As women are more economically independent via

employment, they have capacity to exercise their choice in their marriages (Hakim 2000). Even married, a large proportion of women choose not to have a child.

Non-marriage and low fertility are two of the most tremendous transition associated with women’s labor force participation (Jones 2007). This transition brings

tremendous impact on men. Men, particularly working class and living in rural areas, face difficulties of finding suitable partners in the marriage market. So, these

difficulties lead to the striking increase in transnational marriages.

Twenty-eight percent of men married in 2003 were married with non-Taiwanese mainly from Southeast Asia and China (Tsay 2004). Since these men are largely from working class backgrounds and live in rural areas, their families maintain traditional gender role expectations for immigrant women. Housework and childbearing therefore become primary responsibilities for immigrant women in everyday life. Statistics show that a large proportion of Southeast Asian immigrants gave birth to the first child during the first coming year. However, family economic demands would push immigrant women into paid employment even breadwinners for the family.

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women was lower than that of the general female population. The labor force participation rates were 39.5% and 28.2% for immigrants from Southeast Asia and China respectively (Wang and Lin 2009). This number has increased up to 55.95% in 2008, even higher than the general female population (National Immigration Agency 2009). Most immigrants are engaged in atypical economic activities such as service retail outlets (Pan, Lin and Yang 2010). Compared to the local population of women, immigrant women were more concentrated in some occupations due to their migrant status, education, and language ability as well as racial discrimination.

Gendered Division of Household

In the capitalist society, employment has been regarded as one of the most important indicators for gender equality in the home. The household division becomes important for evaluating whether gender egalitarian is achieved in the home. Theories explaining the gender division of housework could be divided into two categories. The first category is resource exchange theories emphasizing

exchange of resources between genders including functionalist, time availability, and relative resource theories. The second category is proposed by feminists

underscoring power asymmetries between genders under the patriarchal society. According to functionalists, the division of household is basically allocated in terms of biological traits. Women are predominately responsible for expressive roles of childbearing and nursing, and men take instrumental roles (Miller and Garrison 1982). Such argument is based on a relatively static attribute by which women and men are viewed as different but complementary. Under this assumption, women are wives, mothers, and caregivers for parents and children. With this patriarchal gender norm, women indeed gain little chance to shift their power in the home.

Time availability theory emphasizes exchanges of resource and considers the household division as an end of husband and wife’s competing time commitment. With this assumption, the spouse who is not employed or who works for least hours is expected to contribute more to domestic work. Under contemporary capitalist logic, wives often earn less than husbands and their earning is viewed as

complementary to the family income. Consequently, wives are often expected to do more housework and family care than their husbands. For several years, feminists have criticized this assumption. Because even wives become breadwinners they still take most responsibilities of domestic work and family care. As U.S. and Australian studies indicate, when a husband is economically dependent on his wife, he actually does less housework than before (Bittman et al. 2003).

Different from the above perspectives, relative resource theory emphasizes exchanges of resource between husbands and wives. The arrangement of household

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labor reflects power differences between husbands and wives. Usually ‘relative resource’ is measured in terms of individual education, economic earning, and occupational status (Teerawichitchainan et al. 2010). Studies have demonstrated a negative correlation between household division labor and socio-economic

achievement (Tsai 2004), that is, the spouse with the most resources does less

housework. In other words, a wife brings more economic resources into the marriage might make her husband to do more domestic work (Bittman et al. 2003). In sum, for resource exchange theories, taking instrumental of expressive roles is dependent on exchanges of resources in which each others could benefit from their respective labors, and these exchanges are expected to generate a mutual interdependence that produces and reinforces marital stability (South 2001).

Nonetheless, this assumption has been critiqued by feminists for overemphasizing the importance of materials but ignoring the impacts of cultural norm on gender relations (Eschle 2004). Research has widely documented that even when women participate the labor market, there is a universal fact that women still spend more hours on domestic work than men (Gangl and Ziefle 2009). Apparently, even earning an income, there is no guarantee that women will exercise greater power in their marriages. Tsai’s study (2004), based on the national survey of social change of

Taiwan in 1996, have found that women’s employment is not a predictor to husbands’ increasing housework involvement. Rather, husbands’ perception of gender equality has significant influences on the increase of housework involvement.

Some researchers (Hakim 2000) consider women’s employment activities as individual choice; however, others (Sainsbury 1996; South 2001) contend that patriarchal culture prescribing husband and wife labor division in the home is critical in influencing the everyday gender relations. This cultural norm is even supported by the social system and is reinforced by legislation. Meisenbach (2010), applying a phenomenological method to explore the experiences and gendered identity

negotiations of 15 female breadwinners (FBWs), has found that FBWs did not get the partner contribute to domestic work. Based on in-depth interviews with 30 couples, Tichenor (2005) have noted that even a participation in full-time employment or with the higher status of breadwinner does not necessary bring wife more power.

What impacts could be brought into the transnational marriages, when immigrant women are employed? Can household division be re-arranged? And, to what extent the housework and family care can be shifted? Undoubtedly, transnational marriages have brought more complicated influence on the dynamics of genders than before (Meisenbach 2010). As Nicole Constable (2005) has pointed out, transnational marriages are not only shaped by economic forces but also cartographies of desire. Many immigrant women may look for modern and open-minded husbands, while

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their husbands turn to Southeast Asia may expect traditional wives. This paradox could result in marital dissolution. Statistics (National Immigration Agency 2010) have reported a higher divorce rate among transnational marriages than

non-transnational marriages. For instance, in 2008, about one-third of

non-transnational couples filed divorce, whereas half of transnational marriage couples are divorced.

Even thought the transnational marriage has been paid much attention, there is little research looking into the dynamic of these transnational marriages. Therefore, we can only try to understand the household division within these transnational marriages via the analysis of immigration families. In Paraddo and Flippen’s study (2005), gender relations within immigrant families will be re-structured during the assimilation process. And those factors such as the structures of labor in host countries and emotional attachments with the family have impacts on household arrangements. However, even though culture may have impacts on the household arrangement, Kulik (2005) notes that family social status may have an influence on the arrangement of household division.

Strategies for Work-Family Balance

Despite with socio-economic transformation, there is no doubt that Confucian traditions still have extensive influences on everyday gender relations in Taiwan. For instance, in Taiwan the number of not participating in the labor market has increased slightly since 1999. Approximately half of this group of women withdrew from the labor market because of household chores and care responsibilities. The labor force participation rate of married women is much lower than single women. Several studies have pointed out that around half of all married women withdrew from the labor market due to marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, and mothering. Married women will return to the labor market when their responsibility of caring for children is alleviated.

In order to meet family demands, married women with pre-school-age children may reduce their working hours or transfer to non-competitive jobs. Studies have shown how cultural factor influences the arrangement of household labor and the strategies for work-family balance. For instance, Moon (2003) using in-depth interviews with Korean middle-class immigrant women from suburbs in New York, noted that gender ideology subscribed by Korean immigrant couples has a lasting effect on the division of household labor. With little support from their husbands and homeland families, Korean immigrant women are likely to withdraw from full-time employment and to retreat to full-time mothering. Gelfand and McCallum’s study (1994) have examined the pressure of caring parents on first-generation immigrant

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women in Australia. All participants take their spouses as good husbands but

providing limited assistance in caregiving process. Even so, participants still consider that it’s a shame for men to do housework.

One can image how the prevailing gender norm in Taiwan shapes the experience of immigrant women in reconciling work and family. With restrictions on language, education, residency status, and prejudice as well as with lacks of family support, immigrant women may face tremendous pressure on everyday balance of work and family. Pan et al’s study (2010) based on interviews with immigrants have noted that a large proportion of immigrant women has become the family breadwinners but cannot reduce their burdens of housework and family care.

More recently, scholars in western countries have advocated the state

intervention in the family life through various policies (Crompton 2006; Lewis 2006; Crompton, Lewis and Lyonette 2007; Le Feuvre and Lemarchant 2007). Despite the Gender Equality Employment Act (GEEA) enacted in 2002, Taiwanese women compared to European countries still have a lower rate of returning to the labor market. This might imply that the structure of the labor market is still less friendly for women, particularly for those with pre-school-age children. If most families hold traditional role expectations for immigrant women, then immigrant women will turn to their mothering quickly. This could result in impacts on immigrant women’s everyday life on work-family balance.

Role stress theory is often used to interpret how women manage multiple roles between the demands of work and family care. However, this theory views women’s experience on the reconciliation between work and family care universally. Indeed, many studies have identified that strategies employed by women vary in class and ethnicity (Liamputtong 2001; Remennick, 2001). Working-class women or those from disadvantaged social groups such as immigrants or single mother may especially suffer from the demands of daily life. Unable to hire help and with little support from their male partners, these women tend to work longer, sleep less, and juggle their multiple roles, often with feelings of guilt and inadequacy.

How do employed immigrants handle their paid work and unpaid family care in the daily living experience? Immigrant women have fewer kin to rely on and lack the access to paid helps, and economic disadvantages further lead to immigrant

women’s labor force participation, which, in turn, reduces the time available to conduct household tasks and to fulfill caregiving duties (Spitzer et al. 2003).

Immigrant women’s ability to manage multiple roles is strongly related to their social affiliation and personal resources (Remennick 2001).

For instance, in their collaborative research across France, Portugal, Finland, and Italy, Wall and Jose (2004) explored the diverse strategies immigrant families adopt

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to deal with their childcare responsibilities. The authors argued that middle class and skilled professional migrant families usually can make the best use of the state services whereas those who worked as unskilled laborers usually found it hard to cope with the work and family care responsibilities. A study by Data et al. (2006) in London found that immigrant women might adopt several strategies: take shift with the husband, or bring parents overseas to London. The most prevalent practice is “mother-centeredness”, putting the mother role first and adjusting the working time to fit childcare responsibility. However, this practice might not be easy for the

immigrant women. It produces effects of reducing working hours, rejecting better job opportunities and decreasing the remittances sending back home. In some cases, if there is a conflict between work and childcare and when migrant women have no choice but to work, it is very possible that they leave children unattended. This might raise the levels of stress.

Overall, there are different ways of coping with work and family care

responsibilities, and ethnicity and class really matter for immigrant family. Middle upper class families can utilize resources without much trouble; however, peasant and blue collar immigrant families face the most vulnerable situations to combine work and family care. The coping strategies of immigrant families are still developing and this research hopes to go beyond those descriptive data. This study attempts to know the caring needs of cross-border marriages in Taiwan, and to learn about immigrants’ strategies for work-family balance.

Research Methods

Data collection

Between November 2008 and June 2011, with the assistance of four graduate students, we developed an interview guideline and conducted in-depth interview with 42 Southeast Asian immigrants. All study participants were referred by personnel working at the new immigrant family service center and non-profit organization. Each interview lasted roughly for 1.5－3 hours, and most were conducted at home of immigrants, though a few were conducted in public places (such as service centers for immigrant families, restaurants, or the researcher office). These 42 immigrants were fully informed of the study objectives, and in-depth interviews were conducted after obtaining written informed consent or verbal consent, because some participants hesitated to sign written informed consents. Each participant in the study was provided with a US$20 gift or US$20 cash.

The interviews asked questions related to issues such as length of their stay in Taiwan, how many children they had from their current marriages, and the number of members of their families. Additionally, participants were asked whether they

25

need to care for any family member in daily live? What kind of care do they provide for their families? Is there any family member or paid care workers who can help them to care for their child/children or family members who are old, with illnesses or disabilities? What kind of helps do they provide? Finally, the participants were also asked the content of their work, what the work meant to them, how they arranged their care and paid work activities, and how they assessed their work and care responsibilities, and their strategies toward work-family balance.

Participants

Among the 42 study participants, seventeen were from Vietnam, fourteen from Indonesia, six from Thailand, and five from Cambodia. The age range was between 24 and 45 years with an average of 34.9 years old. The average year of residence in Taiwan was 9.9 years. All participants at least had one child with average number of two children. Twelve of the 42 study participants were extended families and 19 nuclear families, but 11 participants were single mothers. Seventeen of the 42 study participants’ husbands were from peasant and working-class, while 24 of the 42 study were not.

Of the 42 study participants, few provided limited care for children and family elderly, some assumed with extremely heavy care burden, and others became family providers. Forty of study participants were employed. Eleven of the 42 study

participants were full-time employed, Twenty-four (multiple) part-time employed, and five self-employed. Limited by languages, geographical locations, skills, and experiences, most participants can only fit into atypical labor including work at restaurant (10), cleaning (7), fish and dairy farm (4), assembly factory (4), NGOs (3), self-employed printing and hardware factory (5), others (e.g., betel nut store, manicure, wedding banquet, and music band for funeral ceremony) (6).

Data analysis

Most of the interviews were conducted in Mandarin or Holo (dialect), and all were audio recorded and then transcribed. Each transcript was read by two persons, researcher and research assistant, to achieve the greatest familiarities with the phenomenon and inter-consistencies of interpretations. Thematic analysis was adopted for data analysis. Data were interpreted by categories related to socio-cultural contexts, everyday situations, family care and housework arrangements between genders. This study also probed scenarios and activities that can be identified to fit into thematic interpretations of gendered role within these 42 immigrant households.