• 沒有找到結果。

第五章 結論

第三節 未來研究方向的建議

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會鴻溝變得更為分裂。但經過了中程階段至今,台灣社會已經逐漸發展出跨越藍 綠與族群界線的共同國家認同感。因此,此時已可考慮修法與修憲的必要性,而 憲改工程適合在這個階段進行。至於與統獨層次有關的兩岸政治協商與談判,或 者是與國家定位有關的公民投票,都適合在這個階段進行。

在遠程策略中,本文主張,設計適當的權力劃分民主制度,更進一步地保 障個人權利,並且設法延續由審議式民主所培養出的「相互尊重」與「人道關懷 他人」的德行。

第三節 未來研究方向的建議

有鑑於目前台灣的政治制度,不但無法解決當前台灣民主的困境,多數決 制度下贏者全拿的邏輯,反而還有可能使得原有的社會分歧被激化,意圖超克台 灣當前的民主困境,有必要另闢蹊徑。

因此,首先,本論文的主要目的就是從文獻中既有的可能緩解分裂社會中 族群衝突的各種制度方案中,選擇一種適合於台灣脈絡下的新制度。在建構近程 的 解 決 方 案 中 , 選 擇 了 結 合 協 合 式 民 主 與 審 議 式 民 主 的 策 略 , 有 鑑 於 Lijphart(1982: 175)曾指出,世界上並沒有單一的協合式民主設計藍圖,因此下一 步首要的研究方向,就是要參考過去其他國家(特別是北愛爾蘭與南非)的經驗,

去設計符合台灣當前國情的協合式民主制度(例如:規劃行政部門閣員的分配、

立法部門代表的比例性、選舉制度的改革、否決權行使的範圍、文化層面的自主 等)。總之,這絕對是一項龐大的制度規劃工程。

其次,由於修正型的協合式民主能夠完全滿足「互惠性」與「公開性」這 兩項審議式民主的規範性原則。協合式民主與審議式民主兩者必然有相當的重疊 範圍,這個重疊的範圍是個值得進一步探討的問題。

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附錄 實行協合式民主有利條件的不同版本之比較

Lijphart(1968b: 25-30):

一、次文化區塊間隙界線分明。

二、次文化區塊間的權力多重平衡。

三、外在威脅。

四、相對低的決策責任。

五、溫和的民族主義。

六、大眾對大聯合政府的治理持正面態度。

Lijphart(1969: 216-222):

一、權力多重平衡。

二、外在威脅。

三、相對低的決策責任。

四、間隙界線分明。

五、實行協合式民主的時間長短。

六、次文化區塊內部的政治凝聚力。

七、充分表達了次文化區塊的利益。

八、政府由菁英聯合治理受到廣泛的認同。

Lihphart(1977: 53-103):

一、各區塊間權力多重平衡

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二、多黨體系 三、國家規模小 四、多元化程度

五、區塊之間的間隙有相互交叉之處 六、區塊隔離與聯邦制

七、菁英和解的傳統 八、代議制政黨體系 九、跨區塊的共同效忠感

Lijphart(1985: 119-128)與 Lijphart(1996: 262-263):

一、沒有一個區塊的人口佔絕對多數 二、每一個區塊的大小幾乎接近相同 三、區塊數目小

四、人口規模不宜過大

五、外在威脅有助於促進內部團結 六、具有跨越區塊的共同效忠感

七、各個別區塊的社經狀況並無重大差異 八、各個別區塊具有地域性

九、社會上已有妥協與和解的傳統

Schreckener(2002: 211-217):

一、各區塊間保持相對平衡(意即已經沒有一個區塊的人口佔絕對多數)。

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二、各個別區塊的社經狀況並無重大差異。

三、各個別區塊具有地域性。

四、具有跨越區塊的共同效忠感。

五、區塊間的分歧有相互交叉之處。

六、溫和多元對應於國民陣線(極右派)。

七、各區塊皆有影響舉足輕重的菁英。

八、尊重現狀。

九、妥協與相互瞭解的傳統。

十、區塊全面參與。

十一、內部妥協對應於外部壓力。

註: 林慶維(1997)也曾彙整出實行協合式民主的八個有利條件,並指出台灣若 實行協合式民主,成功的可能性相當高。然而,他只參考了 Lijphart 早期的 部分資料,而且也未使用 Lijphart(1985: 120)的表格。

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